Sorry… but if forced evictions, land grabbing, murder, and political intimidation on behalf of private sector development are all consistent with neoliberalisation, then we could also discuss Than Shwe and a hegemonic neoliberal order in Burma ?!
I’m not suggesting there are no neoliberalization effects evident Cambodia. The garment industry/suppression of trade unions linked to export based industries; and urban real estate/tourism development, seem like appropriate examples where the concept of neoliberalisation holds some explanatory power.
But in other areas of the economy, perhaps especially in rural areas (including the areas that i study– the logging and and plantation forestry industries), I am much less convinced. There have been external neoliberal ‘actors’ at work in Cambodian forestry (e.g. World Bank), but, despite all the millions in donor funding, their actual influence has remained tenuous at best. The World Bank’s Forest Concession Management and Control Pilot Project (2000-2005) was truly a case study in the ineffectualness of neoliberal reformers.
There are some recent interesting examples of neoliberalisation at work in Cambodian forestry– e.g. recent experiments with community forestry/REDD in Oddar Meanchey; the recent approval of quite a number (400+) of decentralized community forestry sites; and one pilot project with commercial community forestry in Ratanakri. But these do not add up to a coherent neoliberal forestry regime in Cambodia, at least not at this point in time. In fact the Cambodian Forestry Administration has still not even completed the demarcation of the national forestry estate– which makes even the basic identification of what is legal or illegal timber in the country impossible.
In plantation forestry– similarly, if one were to describe a neoliberal order one would imagine large numbers of foreign and domestic investors governed through a competitive, market-based incentive framework, developing an export-based agricultural commodity sector. Yet, if one looks closely at what is happening in the Economic Land Concession system, it is really being governed through extra-economic means, and the actual rate of successful commercial agri-business ventures in this sector is surprisingly low. ELCs often seem to be more closely related to land speculation for other purposes, or at times a cover for illegal logging operations, and other irregularities are rife. At the present time, no significant multinational forestry/plantation operator has invested in the country, although some have shown recent interest.
Then one needs to decide whether all this adds up to a coherent hybrid neoliberal-authoritarian “order” on a nation-wide basis in Cambodia, or whether other conceptual frameworks offer more explanatory power.
I am more convinced by Hadiz and Robison’s 2005 discussion of the paradox of ‘Neoliberal Reform and Illiberal Consolidation in Indonesia’ for example, where they describe how “…market reforms have been resisted and even hijacked to consolidate predatory state and private oligarchies.” They conclude, perhaps pessimistically, that the building blocks for a regulatory state and a liberal order in Indonesia (let alone a neoliberal order) are “… virtually nowhere to be found.”
But perhaps it all comes down to, as my father likes to say, where you wish to place your emPHAsis.
We are living in a crooked society that’s why everyone is a crook. Why we are at this point is not because of an individual work of art here but of political structure as a whole that is falling apart.
As a Thai and a Buddhist, I am sorry to say that many of my compatriots do not really practice Buddhism. Instead, they choose to behave like crooks, and hence the unrest in the Thai society.
Once the Oscars were out of the way, Burma VJ was shown repeatedly on HBO, at all hours of the day and night.
So I think I can safely state that it has been seen by a large segment of the American public. Other than a few questions from friends and associates who know that I was inside Burma, I haven’t seen Burma elevated in conversation.
Yes, I absolutely agree that Thailand has not been ready yet for the new election in June. So, what should we suppose to do?
According the news that I have accessed on a website said about the PAD’s campaign to cast a “no vote”. Is it the right way that Thais should follow? I don’t think so. If no vote, what we should do with the basic principles of the form of parliamentary democracy — elections that we have been following for 79 years?
All Thais should concern the way that we can help Thai democracy improve again. Now, we don’t have much choices to select a new leader, the best thing is we need to think carefully with our votes — no more the cycle of an evil man in politics.
Another interesting point is if the Prua Thai Party wins the new election, how about the roles of the military in Thai politics? Any coups will return? Although General Prayuth supports in democratic rule, there is a possible scenerio about the military’s involvement in politics, especially when political deadlock hangs over the nation.
If the government cannot control the military, the next coup is likely to occur.
Couldn’t agree more that some people tend to focus on the trees and miss the wood, I suspect perhaps deliberately in some instances.
Statistics I feel is a Western obsession. They’d count anything and everything that’s countable. Then there’s lies, damn lies and statistics. It could be rendered very elastic to serve whatever purpose its creator has in mind.
The Burmese regime is a fast learner when it comes to what really matters most to them, a firm grip on power. And the arrogance of uncontested autocratic power displays both momentum and inertia; never mind the public or the rest of the world. They’ll soon find out manipulation of numbers is a useful tool not confined to elections.
That’s where what they call the ‘elusive feel good factor’ comes in. Most ordinary folk have like a radar built in from their own day to day life experience, and there really is no need for politicians and analysts to tell them how they should feel. Patronising at best and contempt of the great unwashed at worst. That’s where PR which used to be more honestly called propaganda comes in. The story of our lives.
I think he is probably the next PM– and perhaps a strong one, during immense instability, for a relatively long time, despite his age. His age – and experience – may well be a blessing.
“How about the one included a few constitutions back that said that an MP has to be a university graduate? Is that still there?”
Last appeared in the 1997 constitution – no minimum education requirement in the 2007 replacement (though a period of education in the relevant changwat is one of the options available for “residence” qualification).
The longstanding minimum education requirement to be Senator is still there in the 2007 version:
Section 115.
(3) having graduated with not lower than a Bachelor’s degree or its equivalent;
Two things are certain – 1) Sanoh will be a far harder nut to crack, than Samak or Wongsawat were.
2) Sanoh will have learnt from their mistakes.
I think he is probably the next PM – and perhaps a strong one, during immense instability, for a relatively long time, despite his age. His age – and experience – may well be a blessing.
Yes, neoliberalism is able to account for many of the issues that currently exist in contemporary Cambodian society, such that I have indeed argued that neoliberalization is paramount in Cambodia’s inability to consolidate democracy, and has been instrumental in how and why authoritarianism remains the principal mode of governance. Forced evictions to make way for hotels, casinos, and other mega-projects, land grabbing and irregular concessions to make way for large scale plantations, busting up garment factory protests, high profile murders of union leaders, widespread intimidation to keep labor prices low, all of this is so evidently authoritarian AND linked to neoliberal ideas of marketization, privatization, and deregulation. I’m not sure what discrepancy you see here, other than that you evidently disagree with my argument that neoliberalization is relevant to the contemporary political economy of Cambodia. So be it.
Asiawatcher…
Your claim that everyday Cambodians are of little concern in my work is completely unfounded, and referencing one of my papers that is specifically focused on elite, donor, and NGO constructions of neoliberal discourse in Cambodia doesn’t make it true. Also, the quote you have selected from my paper in no way proves or even so much as relates to your allegation. When I write “this process [of awakening from neoliberal ‘commonsense’] may not necessarily occur on a rational and self-aware level for many Cambodians, but this is of little consequence”, I am not implying that Cambodian identities/voices/ideas do not matter as you seem to assume. I am instead suggesting that in the process of contesting neoliberalism, its ideology, and its particular modalities, it is not necessary for Cambodians to be aware of the discourse of neoliberalism, they only need be aware of the effects neoliberalization produces. In this respect, many Cambodians will, and indeed already are, circulating ideas that break with neoliberal ‘commonsense’, so that they are no longer made ‘neoliberal subjects’. In other words, neoliberalism is not forever, in Cambodia, or anywhere else. The contemporary hegemony of neoliberalism is necessarily partial and incomplete, meaning it will inevitably fade and subjectivities will transform… a process made quicker by resistance, protests, and contestations, which are evident throughout Cambodia, but particularly acute in Phnom Penh.
Furthermore, the fact is, I have done extensive research with Cambodians from all economic backgrounds, the voices of which figure prominently in my book. More recently, in 2010, I was in Phnom Penh for several months conducting grassroots research with the homeless population. Obviously the lives of everyday Cambodians and their welfare is first and foremost in my research, otherwise why would I even bother doing the sort of work that I do? Surely it’s not so I can get some sort of perverse thrill out of defending myself against unfounded accusations made by someone hiding behind a pseudonym on the Internet. Good grief.
In one village, women are deeply unhappy and dreams of marrying a man from the other side of the world, just to get away from misery.
But in a poorer village women are so happy with their lives that many women wear 8kg (max 25kg) jewelry daily. What is the explanation?!
The explanation is that women’s happiness lies in touch with their feelings and in touch with other women and children. Close contact with other men than their husbands is a problem, they are shy.
The “brass rings” is a spiral. It is the same brass rod that goes in turns.
Their communities may be an ideal for women who otherwise could not do it.
A litany of facts useful in determining the true situation of the country? The Diplomat seems to have a rather low bar. I’ll admit I didn’t know the exact amount of electricity available for the Chins, I but I doubt anyone with even a passing knowledge of the situation in the ethnic minority regions labored under the impression that there was abundant electricity available to the people living there.
And MPs face jail for even discussing what happens in parliament? I don’t know what to say. Actually, I do know what to say, but it would probably get passed moderation.
I guess for many the question of fairness is far too subjective and so, whether the latest election is fair will depend on the result. Some will think it unfair if the Democrats form the next government while others will feel the same if the Puea Thai are in the driving seat.
Looking at the broader picture it raises questions about what laws are needed to make election fair, how they applied and what punishments should be associated with breaking these laws. We have to add that the role played by courts raises yet another question on whether the courts should be independent of government or of other influences in order to have ‘the rule of law’. (That Sanoh hasn’t spent a day in prison, (could be wrong), points to problems we have with that rule in Thailand.)
Now I see some think that the disbanding of political parties found cheating was far too harsh a law from the last constitution and campaign on that. Great if that’s how you feel, but there are far worse rules that really do limit democracy in my opinion. How about the one included a few constitutions back that said that an MP has to be a university graduate? Is that still there? Just think what the reaction would be in the UK, US or Australia to such a rule?
“…I suggest that neoliberalism is able to account for many of the issues that currently exist in contemporary Cambodian society, and it is impetuous to throw the baby out with the bathwater…”
—-
Compare with:
“Violence, Democracy, and the Neoliberal “Order”: The Contestation of Public Space in Posttransitional Cambodia.” Annals of the Association of American Geographers, 99(1) 2009, pp. 138–162.
“This article argues that neoliberalization is a *foremost causal factor* in Cambodia’s inability to consolidate democracy, and further *explains why authoritarianism remains the principal mode of governance* among the country’s ruling elite, an inclination often elicited as violence.”
=======
From my perspective, I think the key debate lies in the difference between those two statements…
Well, it seems Springer has no need to consider Cambodian-Khmer subjectivities. Speaking with everyday people in Cambodia appears to be a topic of little relevance to his research.
Simon Springer. 2010. Neoliberal discursive formations: on the contours of subjectivation, good governance, and symbolic violence
in posttransitional Cambodia. Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 2010, volume 28, pages 931 -950.
“Through increased tensions between the rich and poor, and the intensification of policing, surveillance, and `security’ measures that arise from such strained relations, as has become increas-
ingly manifest in posttransitional Cambodia (Springer, 2010), neoliberal modalities will slowly become recognizable and undesirable in the everyday lives of individuals,
invoking new discursive performatives that may provoke a chain reaction of awakening from the spell of the prevailing commonsense.
This process may not necessarily occur on a rational and self-aware level for many Cambodians, but this is of little conse-
quence. As the mutations of new subjectivities contort and twist subjectivation away from neoliberalism, transformed discursive formations will circulate and begin to usurp the existing orthodoxy.”
Sanoh’s pronouncement makes it all too obvious that Thailand’s political mafia are once again determined to win the election for themselves. The duly elected party is thus completely meaningless. This man is undoubtedly amongst the very worse that this country has to offer.
I suppose I was pointing to the difficulties that those reporting from Burma tend to face. Finding stories in opaque settings, smuggling materials out of the country, and then often needing to present work anonymously are among those difficulties. The challenges noted in your review with respect to interviews and informants are also very relevant. Taken together, especially in the context of funding, security and other limitations, I was suggesting that reporting on or from Burma is no easy task.
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The straw man critique of neoliberalism in Cambodia
Forced evictions, political intimidation for private sector development etc. etc. sounds like primitive accumulation to me. That’s my emphaSIS.
AW
The straw man critique of neoliberalism in Cambodia
Hi Simon:
Sorry… but if forced evictions, land grabbing, murder, and political intimidation on behalf of private sector development are all consistent with neoliberalisation, then we could also discuss Than Shwe and a hegemonic neoliberal order in Burma ?!
I’m not suggesting there are no neoliberalization effects evident Cambodia. The garment industry/suppression of trade unions linked to export based industries; and urban real estate/tourism development, seem like appropriate examples where the concept of neoliberalisation holds some explanatory power.
But in other areas of the economy, perhaps especially in rural areas (including the areas that i study– the logging and and plantation forestry industries), I am much less convinced. There have been external neoliberal ‘actors’ at work in Cambodian forestry (e.g. World Bank), but, despite all the millions in donor funding, their actual influence has remained tenuous at best. The World Bank’s Forest Concession Management and Control Pilot Project (2000-2005) was truly a case study in the ineffectualness of neoliberal reformers.
There are some recent interesting examples of neoliberalisation at work in Cambodian forestry– e.g. recent experiments with community forestry/REDD in Oddar Meanchey; the recent approval of quite a number (400+) of decentralized community forestry sites; and one pilot project with commercial community forestry in Ratanakri. But these do not add up to a coherent neoliberal forestry regime in Cambodia, at least not at this point in time. In fact the Cambodian Forestry Administration has still not even completed the demarcation of the national forestry estate– which makes even the basic identification of what is legal or illegal timber in the country impossible.
In plantation forestry– similarly, if one were to describe a neoliberal order one would imagine large numbers of foreign and domestic investors governed through a competitive, market-based incentive framework, developing an export-based agricultural commodity sector. Yet, if one looks closely at what is happening in the Economic Land Concession system, it is really being governed through extra-economic means, and the actual rate of successful commercial agri-business ventures in this sector is surprisingly low. ELCs often seem to be more closely related to land speculation for other purposes, or at times a cover for illegal logging operations, and other irregularities are rife. At the present time, no significant multinational forestry/plantation operator has invested in the country, although some have shown recent interest.
Then one needs to decide whether all this adds up to a coherent hybrid neoliberal-authoritarian “order” on a nation-wide basis in Cambodia, or whether other conceptual frameworks offer more explanatory power.
I am more convinced by Hadiz and Robison’s 2005 discussion of the paradox of ‘Neoliberal Reform and Illiberal Consolidation in Indonesia’ for example, where they describe how “…market reforms have been resisted and even hijacked to consolidate predatory state and private oligarchies.” They conclude, perhaps pessimistically, that the building blocks for a regulatory state and a liberal order in Indonesia (let alone a neoliberal order) are “… virtually nowhere to be found.”
But perhaps it all comes down to, as my father likes to say, where you wish to place your emPHAsis.
Understanding conflict and violence in Thai Society
Luecha Na Malai – 1
We are living in a crooked society that’s why everyone is a crook. Why we are at this point is not because of an individual work of art here but of political structure as a whole that is falling apart.
Understanding conflict and violence in Thai Society
As a Thai and a Buddhist, I am sorry to say that many of my compatriots do not really practice Buddhism. Instead, they choose to behave like crooks, and hence the unrest in the Thai society.
Burma VJ and “docudrama”
Once the Oscars were out of the way, Burma VJ was shown repeatedly on HBO, at all hours of the day and night.
So I think I can safely state that it has been seen by a large segment of the American public. Other than a few questions from friends and associates who know that I was inside Burma, I haven’t seen Burma elevated in conversation.
Will Thailand’s elections be fair?
c30
“That’s something that I consider a big improvement…..”
Agreed – and as far as I can see – the only one. Massively outweighed by the other manipulations that were introduced.
Is an election the answer for Thailand?
Yes, I absolutely agree that Thailand has not been ready yet for the new election in June. So, what should we suppose to do?
According the news that I have accessed on a website said about the PAD’s campaign to cast a “no vote”. Is it the right way that Thais should follow? I don’t think so. If no vote, what we should do with the basic principles of the form of parliamentary democracy — elections that we have been following for 79 years?
All Thais should concern the way that we can help Thai democracy improve again. Now, we don’t have much choices to select a new leader, the best thing is we need to think carefully with our votes — no more the cycle of an evil man in politics.
Another interesting point is if the Prua Thai Party wins the new election, how about the roles of the military in Thai politics? Any coups will return? Although General Prayuth supports in democratic rule, there is a possible scenerio about the military’s involvement in politics, especially when political deadlock hangs over the nation.
If the government cannot control the military, the next coup is likely to occur.
Burma’s parliamentary system explained
aiontay,
Couldn’t agree more that some people tend to focus on the trees and miss the wood, I suspect perhaps deliberately in some instances.
Statistics I feel is a Western obsession. They’d count anything and everything that’s countable. Then there’s lies, damn lies and statistics. It could be rendered very elastic to serve whatever purpose its creator has in mind.
The Burmese regime is a fast learner when it comes to what really matters most to them, a firm grip on power. And the arrogance of uncontested autocratic power displays both momentum and inertia; never mind the public or the rest of the world. They’ll soon find out manipulation of numbers is a useful tool not confined to elections.
That’s where what they call the ‘elusive feel good factor’ comes in. Most ordinary folk have like a radar built in from their own day to day life experience, and there really is no need for politicians and analysts to tell them how they should feel. Patronising at best and contempt of the great unwashed at worst. That’s where PR which used to be more honestly called propaganda comes in. The story of our lives.
Will Thailand’s elections be fair?
SteveCM – 28
Last appeared in the 1997 constitution – no minimum education requirement in the 2007 replacement…
Thanks Steve. That’s something that I consider a big improvement, probably because I left school at a very young age;-)
Will Thailand’s elections be fair?
chris beale – 27
I think he is probably the next PM– and perhaps a strong one, during immense instability, for a relatively long time, despite his age. His age – and experience – may well be a blessing.
Ha-ha Chris, good one.
This is an belated April fool joke right?
Will Thailand’s elections be fair?
c26
“How about the one included a few constitutions back that said that an MP has to be a university graduate? Is that still there?”
Last appeared in the 1997 constitution – no minimum education requirement in the 2007 replacement (though a period of education in the relevant changwat is one of the options available for “residence” qualification).
The longstanding minimum education requirement to be Senator is still there in the 2007 version:
Section 115.
(3) having graduated with not lower than a Bachelor’s degree or its equivalent;
Will Thailand’s elections be fair?
Two things are certain – 1) Sanoh will be a far harder nut to crack, than Samak or Wongsawat were.
2) Sanoh will have learnt from their mistakes.
I think he is probably the next PM – and perhaps a strong one, during immense instability, for a relatively long time, despite his age. His age – and experience – may well be a blessing.
The straw man critique of neoliberalism in Cambodia
Keith…
Yes, neoliberalism is able to account for many of the issues that currently exist in contemporary Cambodian society, such that I have indeed argued that neoliberalization is paramount in Cambodia’s inability to consolidate democracy, and has been instrumental in how and why authoritarianism remains the principal mode of governance. Forced evictions to make way for hotels, casinos, and other mega-projects, land grabbing and irregular concessions to make way for large scale plantations, busting up garment factory protests, high profile murders of union leaders, widespread intimidation to keep labor prices low, all of this is so evidently authoritarian AND linked to neoliberal ideas of marketization, privatization, and deregulation. I’m not sure what discrepancy you see here, other than that you evidently disagree with my argument that neoliberalization is relevant to the contemporary political economy of Cambodia. So be it.
Asiawatcher…
Your claim that everyday Cambodians are of little concern in my work is completely unfounded, and referencing one of my papers that is specifically focused on elite, donor, and NGO constructions of neoliberal discourse in Cambodia doesn’t make it true. Also, the quote you have selected from my paper in no way proves or even so much as relates to your allegation. When I write “this process [of awakening from neoliberal ‘commonsense’] may not necessarily occur on a rational and self-aware level for many Cambodians, but this is of little consequence”, I am not implying that Cambodian identities/voices/ideas do not matter as you seem to assume. I am instead suggesting that in the process of contesting neoliberalism, its ideology, and its particular modalities, it is not necessary for Cambodians to be aware of the discourse of neoliberalism, they only need be aware of the effects neoliberalization produces. In this respect, many Cambodians will, and indeed already are, circulating ideas that break with neoliberal ‘commonsense’, so that they are no longer made ‘neoliberal subjects’. In other words, neoliberalism is not forever, in Cambodia, or anywhere else. The contemporary hegemony of neoliberalism is necessarily partial and incomplete, meaning it will inevitably fade and subjectivities will transform… a process made quicker by resistance, protests, and contestations, which are evident throughout Cambodia, but particularly acute in Phnom Penh.
Furthermore, the fact is, I have done extensive research with Cambodians from all economic backgrounds, the voices of which figure prominently in my book. More recently, in 2010, I was in Phnom Penh for several months conducting grassroots research with the homeless population. Obviously the lives of everyday Cambodians and their welfare is first and foremost in my research, otherwise why would I even bother doing the sort of work that I do? Surely it’s not so I can get some sort of perverse thrill out of defending myself against unfounded accusations made by someone hiding behind a pseudonym on the Internet. Good grief.
Bound by tradition
In one village, women are deeply unhappy and dreams of marrying a man from the other side of the world, just to get away from misery.
But in a poorer village women are so happy with their lives that many women wear 8kg (max 25kg) jewelry daily. What is the explanation?!
The explanation is that women’s happiness lies in touch with their feelings and in touch with other women and children. Close contact with other men than their husbands is a problem, they are shy.
The “brass rings” is a spiral. It is the same brass rod that goes in turns.
Their communities may be an ideal for women who otherwise could not do it.
Burma’s parliamentary system explained
A litany of facts useful in determining the true situation of the country? The Diplomat seems to have a rather low bar. I’ll admit I didn’t know the exact amount of electricity available for the Chins, I but I doubt anyone with even a passing knowledge of the situation in the ethnic minority regions labored under the impression that there was abundant electricity available to the people living there.
And MPs face jail for even discussing what happens in parliament? I don’t know what to say. Actually, I do know what to say, but it would probably get passed moderation.
Will Thailand’s elections be fair?
I guess for many the question of fairness is far too subjective and so, whether the latest election is fair will depend on the result. Some will think it unfair if the Democrats form the next government while others will feel the same if the Puea Thai are in the driving seat.
Looking at the broader picture it raises questions about what laws are needed to make election fair, how they applied and what punishments should be associated with breaking these laws. We have to add that the role played by courts raises yet another question on whether the courts should be independent of government or of other influences in order to have ‘the rule of law’. (That Sanoh hasn’t spent a day in prison, (could be wrong), points to problems we have with that rule in Thailand.)
Now I see some think that the disbanding of political parties found cheating was far too harsh a law from the last constitution and campaign on that. Great if that’s how you feel, but there are far worse rules that really do limit democracy in my opinion. How about the one included a few constitutions back that said that an MP has to be a university graduate? Is that still there? Just think what the reaction would be in the UK, US or Australia to such a rule?
The straw man critique of neoliberalism in Cambodia
Springer above writes:
“…I suggest that neoliberalism is able to account for many of the issues that currently exist in contemporary Cambodian society, and it is impetuous to throw the baby out with the bathwater…”
—-
Compare with:
“Violence, Democracy, and the Neoliberal “Order”: The Contestation of Public Space in Posttransitional Cambodia.” Annals of the Association of American Geographers, 99(1) 2009, pp. 138–162.
“This article argues that neoliberalization is a *foremost causal factor* in Cambodia’s inability to consolidate democracy, and further *explains why authoritarianism remains the principal mode of governance* among the country’s ruling elite, an inclination often elicited as violence.”
=======
From my perspective, I think the key debate lies in the difference between those two statements…
The straw man critique of neoliberalism in Cambodia
Well, it seems Springer has no need to consider Cambodian-Khmer subjectivities. Speaking with everyday people in Cambodia appears to be a topic of little relevance to his research.
Simon Springer. 2010. Neoliberal discursive formations: on the contours of subjectivation, good governance, and symbolic violence
in posttransitional Cambodia. Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 2010, volume 28, pages 931 -950.
“Through increased tensions between the rich and poor, and the intensification of policing, surveillance, and `security’ measures that arise from such strained relations, as has become increas-
ingly manifest in posttransitional Cambodia (Springer, 2010), neoliberal modalities will slowly become recognizable and undesirable in the everyday lives of individuals,
invoking new discursive performatives that may provoke a chain reaction of awakening from the spell of the prevailing commonsense.
This process may not necessarily occur on a rational and self-aware level for many Cambodians, but this is of little conse-
quence. As the mutations of new subjectivities contort and twist subjectivation away from neoliberalism, transformed discursive formations will circulate and begin to usurp the existing orthodoxy.”
Will Thailand’s elections be fair?
Sanoh’s pronouncement makes it all too obvious that Thailand’s political mafia are once again determined to win the election for themselves. The duly elected party is thus completely meaningless. This man is undoubtedly amongst the very worse that this country has to offer.
Burma VJ and “docudrama”
Thanks Andrew,
I suppose I was pointing to the difficulties that those reporting from Burma tend to face. Finding stories in opaque settings, smuggling materials out of the country, and then often needing to present work anonymously are among those difficulties. The challenges noted in your review with respect to interviews and informants are also very relevant. Taken together, especially in the context of funding, security and other limitations, I was suggesting that reporting on or from Burma is no easy task.
Best wishes to all,
Nich