Dio mio! I am amazed at the investigative capabilities of the CREST authorities. The flowchart they have produced is imaginative and clever. It clearly illustrates an attempt by a cabal of nefarious individuals to remove a most sacred and adored institution – the monarchy. But would anyone care to guess the country in which these evildoers were aiming to foment revolution and to establish a new state? Well, you may be shocked to learn that it is the faraway Kingdom of the Isle of Naboombu. And I suspect that the evidence is not far off from being presented ….. behind closed doors, mind you.
But do not fret. This diagram is nothing more than an attempt at belated April Fool’s humour by the Thai elite. Unfortunately their timing is all wrong. Honestly, who can take this feeble government seriously? As the country hangs by a thread CREST (come to think of it, Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva has such nice pearly whites that I am find myself wondering what kind of imported toothpaste he uses at night before he is tucked into bed) dabbles in repackaging an old favourite of mine, the wicked Finland Plot. Furthermore, our esteemed Deputy Prime Minister Suthep Thaugsuban deadpans so well that I have contacted a colleague of mine in the United States who happens to be Hollywood agent. He is looking for new Asian talent to star in low-budget romantic comedies.
What is obvious about the recently unveiled schema is that it is nothing more than a fabrication. The giveaway is the inclusion by CREST of the name of Thaksin’s only son and heir to the throne – Pangthongthae. He briefly was a student of mine (his attendance record was dismal so he was withdrawn from my class discreetly) and I can state unequivocally that he does not possess neither any business nor any political acumen. The future Rama XI has acute attention deficit disorder and like most young HiSo Thai kids prefers to whittle away his time on frivolity than to be engaged in anything serious. It is not a secret that he lacks the requisite level of maturity and responsibility to conduct a boardroom meeting in the absence of his father so CREST is stretching it a bit if it expects us to believe that he is a part of some major regime change conspiracy. If the government of PM Abhisit is seeking to regain a measure of respect and credibility with the people of this country then it needs to invent better stories. I suggest the CREST authorities watch Peter Joseph’s enlightening documentary Zeitgeist for a nice dosage of creative inspiration.
The endeavor is weakened even more when the amazing Khun Thanong Khanthong of The Nation (Thailand’s equivalent of the New Light of Myanmar) posts on his blog a brilliant rehash entitled “A network of conspirators”. Now it must be said that the esteemed journalistic team of Khun Thanong, Khun Tulsathit Taptim and Khun Sopon Ongkara were recruited by the future leadership of the People’s Alliance for Democracy back in 2005 not only to disseminate anti-Thaksin propaganda both within Thailand as well as overseas but also to craft a single coherent message about the Yellow Shirt Movement that would find itself in any news reports published by The Nation. They assisted our Cause tremendously. However, they invariably would go off the reservation (it had been stressed to them that they submit their final drafts to the PAD’s media communications committee for review and consideration; their spelling is truly atrocious) and compose nonsensical rants about angels and demons that were difficult to follow. But in their collective world the Wicked Witch of the East and her flying monkeys do exist. What can you do? Still, we needed a group of reputable and professional journos to spread through the written word the PAD’s mission as being visionary, progressive, representative of the popular will, democratic, virtuous and chic (we made every attempt to bring onto our stage only good-looking people all dressed up in the latest fashion). Yet what pains me considerably (particularly my wife whose family contributes significantly to the coffers of the PAD) is that there are no intellectual giants amongst the Yellow Shirts, only midgets wearing stilettos.
Forgive me but I must leave you now for my eldest son is playing RATM’s “Calm Like a Bomb” much too loud and I have to remind him that for the sake of appearance our family is in the royalist Yellow Shirt camp.
The pompous slur tactic of the Democrats currently being displayed by their leaders to negate their political opponents is a trademark of Democrat style since the formation of the party and the explusion of one of Thailand’s only real democrats – Pridi Panomyong. Note the following (thanks to Wikipedia) “After the death of King Ananda Mahidol in 1946, the Democrat Party accused Pridi of having been the mastermind behind the King’s death and spread this propaganda throughout the capital. Seni Pramoj’s wife told the US chargé d’affaires that Pridi had the King assassinated, and Democrat Party members spread the same rumor to the British embassy. A few days after the King’s death, a Democrat MP yelled out, “Pridi killed “Pridi killed the King!” in the middle of a crowded theater.” Does this remind you of something that’s currently under way???
The Karens have a zero chance of winning any measure of autonomy without the support of a strong sponsor i.e. the United States, and even then it would be dicey. The logistical tail bogs down expeditionary forces and the Karen are too spaced out on drugs to have the most vital element-the WILL to win.
Thanks to those who commented on my posting regarding the structural roots of the present Thai crisis. Following are my comments on several points raised in these responses. But underlying my posting and these comments is a concern that Thailand’s strategy for navigating globalization is becoming obsolete.
On spatial inequality: I did mention the rural-urban gap, but I am very grateful to Khon Ngai Ngai for providing detail on spatial inequality, especially noting the importance of non-agricultural incomes. I need to go back to the study by Supattra et al mentioned in NM to get a better sense of the importance of remittances. But the key issue is the degree to which the spatial consequences of Thai development strategy not only created opportunities for Thaksin but also contribute to sustained political instability.
On Thaksin: First, I concur with Stan that Thaksin popularized the idea of adding value to Thai products. As I noted in my posting, Thaksin did emphasize the need to deepen the Thai economic structure. I would add that he was, at least on paper, the most ambitious of Thai leaders on this question:
“Thaksin’s focus on upgrading was striking for its departure from past governments’ lukewarm attention to real sector problems. He and his advisors spoke of the “nutcracker effect” created by the combination of cost pressure from low-cost rivals and technology pressure from more advanced rivals. They were explicit in their desire to move the country “further up the value chain” and away from excessive dependence on exports that used cheap labor to produce goods relying on foreign technology and investment. Further, they took a systematic and market-based approach, classifying industries and focusing on adding value in sectors – autos, tourism, food, and textiles – where Thailand had a positive track record. This strategy involved linkages through support for basic and support industries, related infrastructure, and technical personnel, and it involved combining “local know-how, knowledge and dedication . . . with world-class modern design, cutting-edge technology, appropriate cost-effective engineering, modern packaging, advanced marketing and Internet capabilities.” Finally, Thaksin proposed to pursue a cluster strategy in emulation of Italy’s ‘industrial districts.'” (The Politics of Uneven Development, p. 131).
But these efforts largely failed, despite Thaksin’s campaign for bureaucratic reform – his intention to end turnover, fragmentation, and overall inefficiency through a “massive overhaul” of the Thai state. The question is why the efforts failed. I offer two inter-related reasons: The first is the lack of the lack of an organized political constituency for economic deepening. This refers to weakness of organized labor and, a point I did not stress in my posting, the lack of support for industrial deepening from of local, i.e. Thai, manufacturers.
The second reason involves flaws in Thaksin’s own strategy: He undermined his ostensibly impressive institutional reform initiatives by centralizing bureaucracy-based patronage to coopt other parties and to satisfy Thai Rak Thai’s numerous factions. Thaksin perpetuated the practice of “benefit-sharing” and “remained captive to a quota system of ministerial allocations.” He raised the number of ministries and departments from 14 and 126, respectively, to 20 and 143. He also orchestrated eight cabinet reshuffles involving 55 individual new appointments from 2001 to 2004. In education, for example, five different Education Ministers from 2001 through 2004 undermined the credibility of education reform. Science and technology institutions suffered from conflicting pressures and internal disputes. Further, because well-placed business interests within the TRT coalition occupied ministerial positions, they exerted direct and extensive influence over the policy process. This increase in direct influence prompted Kevin Hewison to label Thaksin’s regime “Thailand’s first government of tycoons.”
It is this patronage-based strategy that I’m referring to when I used the phrase to which Jim Taylor objects, i.e. that Thaksin’s efforts were “plagued by corruption.” I in no way meant to infer a higher level of honesty or virtue on the part of his opponents.
On the “small and dwindling number of local auto parts suppliers” – a phrase to which Stan objects: I should have been clearer that, by “local,” I referred to indigenous, Thai-owned and Thai-managed parts suppliers, not to locally based parts suppliers. There are very few “pure Thai” firms among Tier 1 suppliers; according to the Thai Automotive Association, at least 80% are foreign-owned or dominated, and I suspect that foreign firms account for even more of actual value added. The 1997 crisis pushed many Thai producers into bankruptcy or takeover by foreign partners. The subsequent shift to full-fledged export orientation further weakened Thai producers who were not able to meet the more stringent cost, quality and delivery requirements of global value chains. There are, to be sure, numerous Thai firms in lower tiers, but many of these seem to operate in lower technology niches and/or the replacement market.
The overall point is not to deny the impressive expansion of the Thai auto industry. I concur with Hla Oo that Thai government officials have been very astute in identifying market niches and attracting foreign firms, including foreign parts producers, especially compared to Malaysia. The point is rather that most Thai firms have not been able to take advantage of this process. Thai automotive development has certainly not been de-localized; but it does seem to be in a process of de-nationalization. Especially troubling have been weaknesses in supporting industries, such as plastic and metal parts, moulds, dies, and jigs, parts and mould production, whose mid-range technology and robust demand from foreign assemblers in sectors such as electronics and autos make them reasonable niches in which innovation might occur.
All of this relates to a point highlighted in numerous reports – namely, Thailand’s failure to develop its science and technology base. Consider one statistic — the number of publications listed in the Science Citation Index (SCI) compiled by German scholar, Daniel Schiller: In the 1980-84 period, Thailand’s SCI publication total of 394 exceeded those of Korea (341) and Singapore (253); by 1985-1989, the Thai figure had risen to only 446 compared to 1,043 for Korea and 597 for Singapore; by 2000-2005, the Thai figure was 2,059 compared to 21,471 for Korea and 5,177 for Singapore.
Thailand has always impressed observers by its ability to respond to tough times. I am now less confident in the likelihood of such responses. Indeed, at the end of my recent book I quoted a May 2008 article from THE ECONOMIST that Thailand risked becoming “one of those perenially, unstable, tragi-comic countries, such as the Philippines…”
I was not referring to the junta as being comparable to the National Socialists. I was referring to the remarkable similarities between the rallies now being held by the Reds and the way that the masses were psychologically manipulated in Germany pre war. In Mein Kamp Hitler emphasized that mass psychological tactics dispense with argumentation and keep the masses’ attention fixed on the ‘final goal’ – in this case the disolving of Parliament and, by implication at least, the triumphant return of Thaksin. The Nazis were very skilled in operating upon the emotions of the individuals in the masses and avoiding relevant arguments as much as possible. Just like the reds they were able to turn people away from obvious truths by employing such tactics. I hope this clarifies my earlier statement.
How many Thais must give their lives so that Abhisit’s job and the jobs of his cronies are not put in the democratic balance of election?
Is there civilized country on earth where the call for an election is answered in blood?
Abhisit is so smooth, people listening to him just cannot believe he is lying, bald-faced. But he is, and has been doing so for months. He says one thing for international consumption and does the opposite.
When watching Abhisit, always turn the sound down if you want to get the true picture of what’s happening. The Oxonian Dr Jekyll is in reality Mr Hyde.
The dead soldier namedly Private Narongrit Sara was shot to the head. He was riding a motorbike as “rapid unit” toward those standing soldiers. As the situation tensed and it was heavy rain, some said the standing force fired to the poor private.
Another injured innocent motorist, is reported namely as Mr. Komkrit, (some said he works as vegetable delivery at Si Moom Muang Market) was shot by real bullet while he was in his car and treated at ICU in a hospital.
The hospitals nearby report total casualties of 18 in total (mostly civilian, and passing by folks).
Great to see an independent unbiased article on the Thai situation where Thaksin is not mentioned and being blamed for everything that is wrong with Thailand.
My friend was driving at Paholyothin road, near Lam Look Ka intersection when the incident took place. He saw many soldiers and riot police were firing bullets to the air, some to the protesters.
Spring News TV (http://www.springnewstv.com) is now blocked by the ICT for their live report at the scene claiming the shooting came from the standing soldiers and hit a soilder riding on motorcycle. See picture
Leah, I think you are missing Ian’s point regarding the National Socialism analogy. He seems to be suggesting that, however valid the claims for a fairer society may be, the fact is that the political leaders behind the Red Shirts are pushing emotional buttons rather than putting forward any policy suggestions. I think it’s worth bearing in mind that these Red politicians are some of the worst and most corrupt that Thailand has to offer, and that is saying something. (I find it had to see the likes of Chalerm as a great leap forward for democracy).
In my opinion, the underlying cause of Thailand’s problems is not a group of mythical “elites”; rather, the problem arises from Thai culture, particularly the acceptance of, and even preference for, an unequal distribution of power, the centrality of grateful-relationship networks, a tendency towards flexibility in how moral judgements are made depending on the context, and the lack of a culture of argument and debate.
Ian Franklin #18 –
Whilst I wouldn’t go as far as to equate the Reds with the fascist national socialist movement in pre-war Germany, I agree with wholeheartedly about mass manipulation and serving the interests of another elite grouping.
Not enough is mentioned about this on New Mandala, and too many people seem ready to buy into this ‘phrai’ vs ‘amart’ thing. Whilst there is validity in talking about raised consciousness amongst the rural/poor classes and aspirations for a more inclusive and representative democracy, I don’t think that the UDD leadership has much substance in this regard when you scratch beneath the surface of their rhetoric.
Lets see how much of a voice, and how much benefit, has accrued to the average red a couple of years down the line, when (if?) Puea Thai or its lastest incarnation is back at the helm…
It might look confusing but it shows rather obvious things – connections between various red leaders and prominent supporters, their media, financiers and ideologists, and how various anti-monarchy elements are incorporated into this web.
The 2007 Constitution was also created to absolve those who committed national wrong-doing and keep them above morality, ethics and even lawful prosecution. Reiterating my earlier point, any Thai government is merely an interim caretaker, and will not in any way whatsoever act against the interests of those who claim to protect the monarchy but are using the monarchy to protect themselves instead.
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Suthep threatens arrests
Frank Anderson #24 – Bangkok Pundit has a very legible copy of the diagram, with English translations @ http://us.asiancorrespondent.com/bangkok-pundit-blog/conspiracy-against-the-monarchy (click on the link under the small diagram).
Suthep threatens arrests
Dio mio! I am amazed at the investigative capabilities of the CREST authorities. The flowchart they have produced is imaginative and clever. It clearly illustrates an attempt by a cabal of nefarious individuals to remove a most sacred and adored institution – the monarchy. But would anyone care to guess the country in which these evildoers were aiming to foment revolution and to establish a new state? Well, you may be shocked to learn that it is the faraway Kingdom of the Isle of Naboombu. And I suspect that the evidence is not far off from being presented ….. behind closed doors, mind you.
But do not fret. This diagram is nothing more than an attempt at belated April Fool’s humour by the Thai elite. Unfortunately their timing is all wrong. Honestly, who can take this feeble government seriously? As the country hangs by a thread CREST (come to think of it, Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva has such nice pearly whites that I am find myself wondering what kind of imported toothpaste he uses at night before he is tucked into bed) dabbles in repackaging an old favourite of mine, the wicked Finland Plot. Furthermore, our esteemed Deputy Prime Minister Suthep Thaugsuban deadpans so well that I have contacted a colleague of mine in the United States who happens to be Hollywood agent. He is looking for new Asian talent to star in low-budget romantic comedies.
What is obvious about the recently unveiled schema is that it is nothing more than a fabrication. The giveaway is the inclusion by CREST of the name of Thaksin’s only son and heir to the throne – Pangthongthae. He briefly was a student of mine (his attendance record was dismal so he was withdrawn from my class discreetly) and I can state unequivocally that he does not possess neither any business nor any political acumen. The future Rama XI has acute attention deficit disorder and like most young HiSo Thai kids prefers to whittle away his time on frivolity than to be engaged in anything serious. It is not a secret that he lacks the requisite level of maturity and responsibility to conduct a boardroom meeting in the absence of his father so CREST is stretching it a bit if it expects us to believe that he is a part of some major regime change conspiracy. If the government of PM Abhisit is seeking to regain a measure of respect and credibility with the people of this country then it needs to invent better stories. I suggest the CREST authorities watch Peter Joseph’s enlightening documentary Zeitgeist for a nice dosage of creative inspiration.
The endeavor is weakened even more when the amazing Khun Thanong Khanthong of The Nation (Thailand’s equivalent of the New Light of Myanmar) posts on his blog a brilliant rehash entitled “A network of conspirators”. Now it must be said that the esteemed journalistic team of Khun Thanong, Khun Tulsathit Taptim and Khun Sopon Ongkara were recruited by the future leadership of the People’s Alliance for Democracy back in 2005 not only to disseminate anti-Thaksin propaganda both within Thailand as well as overseas but also to craft a single coherent message about the Yellow Shirt Movement that would find itself in any news reports published by The Nation. They assisted our Cause tremendously. However, they invariably would go off the reservation (it had been stressed to them that they submit their final drafts to the PAD’s media communications committee for review and consideration; their spelling is truly atrocious) and compose nonsensical rants about angels and demons that were difficult to follow. But in their collective world the Wicked Witch of the East and her flying monkeys do exist. What can you do? Still, we needed a group of reputable and professional journos to spread through the written word the PAD’s mission as being visionary, progressive, representative of the popular will, democratic, virtuous and chic (we made every attempt to bring onto our stage only good-looking people all dressed up in the latest fashion). Yet what pains me considerably (particularly my wife whose family contributes significantly to the coffers of the PAD) is that there are no intellectual giants amongst the Yellow Shirts, only midgets wearing stilettos.
Forgive me but I must leave you now for my eldest son is playing RATM’s “Calm Like a Bomb” much too loud and I have to remind him that for the sake of appearance our family is in the royalist Yellow Shirt camp.
Buona notte, Siam
Suthep threatens arrests
The pompous slur tactic of the Democrats currently being displayed by their leaders to negate their political opponents is a trademark of Democrat style since the formation of the party and the explusion of one of Thailand’s only real democrats – Pridi Panomyong. Note the following (thanks to Wikipedia) “After the death of King Ananda Mahidol in 1946, the Democrat Party accused Pridi of having been the mastermind behind the King’s death and spread this propaganda throughout the capital. Seni Pramoj’s wife told the US chargé d’affaires that Pridi had the King assassinated, and Democrat Party members spread the same rumor to the British embassy. A few days after the King’s death, a Democrat MP yelled out, “Pridi killed “Pridi killed the King!” in the middle of a crowded theater.” Does this remind you of something that’s currently under way???
The Republic of Kawthoolei and Thomas Bleming
The Karens have a zero chance of winning any measure of autonomy without the support of a strong sponsor i.e. the United States, and even then it would be dicey. The logistical tail bogs down expeditionary forces and the Karen are too spaced out on drugs to have the most vital element-the WILL to win.
The Republic of Kawthoolei and Thomas Bleming
Unwinnable and anyone who says otherwise reads too many comic books..
Economic strategy and the roots of Thai political turmoil
Thanks to those who commented on my posting regarding the structural roots of the present Thai crisis. Following are my comments on several points raised in these responses. But underlying my posting and these comments is a concern that Thailand’s strategy for navigating globalization is becoming obsolete.
On spatial inequality: I did mention the rural-urban gap, but I am very grateful to Khon Ngai Ngai for providing detail on spatial inequality, especially noting the importance of non-agricultural incomes. I need to go back to the study by Supattra et al mentioned in NM to get a better sense of the importance of remittances. But the key issue is the degree to which the spatial consequences of Thai development strategy not only created opportunities for Thaksin but also contribute to sustained political instability.
On Thaksin: First, I concur with Stan that Thaksin popularized the idea of adding value to Thai products. As I noted in my posting, Thaksin did emphasize the need to deepen the Thai economic structure. I would add that he was, at least on paper, the most ambitious of Thai leaders on this question:
“Thaksin’s focus on upgrading was striking for its departure from past governments’ lukewarm attention to real sector problems. He and his advisors spoke of the “nutcracker effect” created by the combination of cost pressure from low-cost rivals and technology pressure from more advanced rivals. They were explicit in their desire to move the country “further up the value chain” and away from excessive dependence on exports that used cheap labor to produce goods relying on foreign technology and investment. Further, they took a systematic and market-based approach, classifying industries and focusing on adding value in sectors – autos, tourism, food, and textiles – where Thailand had a positive track record. This strategy involved linkages through support for basic and support industries, related infrastructure, and technical personnel, and it involved combining “local know-how, knowledge and dedication . . . with world-class modern design, cutting-edge technology, appropriate cost-effective engineering, modern packaging, advanced marketing and Internet capabilities.” Finally, Thaksin proposed to pursue a cluster strategy in emulation of Italy’s ‘industrial districts.'” (The Politics of Uneven Development, p. 131).
But these efforts largely failed, despite Thaksin’s campaign for bureaucratic reform – his intention to end turnover, fragmentation, and overall inefficiency through a “massive overhaul” of the Thai state. The question is why the efforts failed. I offer two inter-related reasons: The first is the lack of the lack of an organized political constituency for economic deepening. This refers to weakness of organized labor and, a point I did not stress in my posting, the lack of support for industrial deepening from of local, i.e. Thai, manufacturers.
The second reason involves flaws in Thaksin’s own strategy: He undermined his ostensibly impressive institutional reform initiatives by centralizing bureaucracy-based patronage to coopt other parties and to satisfy Thai Rak Thai’s numerous factions. Thaksin perpetuated the practice of “benefit-sharing” and “remained captive to a quota system of ministerial allocations.” He raised the number of ministries and departments from 14 and 126, respectively, to 20 and 143. He also orchestrated eight cabinet reshuffles involving 55 individual new appointments from 2001 to 2004. In education, for example, five different Education Ministers from 2001 through 2004 undermined the credibility of education reform. Science and technology institutions suffered from conflicting pressures and internal disputes. Further, because well-placed business interests within the TRT coalition occupied ministerial positions, they exerted direct and extensive influence over the policy process. This increase in direct influence prompted Kevin Hewison to label Thaksin’s regime “Thailand’s first government of tycoons.”
It is this patronage-based strategy that I’m referring to when I used the phrase to which Jim Taylor objects, i.e. that Thaksin’s efforts were “plagued by corruption.” I in no way meant to infer a higher level of honesty or virtue on the part of his opponents.
On the “small and dwindling number of local auto parts suppliers” – a phrase to which Stan objects: I should have been clearer that, by “local,” I referred to indigenous, Thai-owned and Thai-managed parts suppliers, not to locally based parts suppliers. There are very few “pure Thai” firms among Tier 1 suppliers; according to the Thai Automotive Association, at least 80% are foreign-owned or dominated, and I suspect that foreign firms account for even more of actual value added. The 1997 crisis pushed many Thai producers into bankruptcy or takeover by foreign partners. The subsequent shift to full-fledged export orientation further weakened Thai producers who were not able to meet the more stringent cost, quality and delivery requirements of global value chains. There are, to be sure, numerous Thai firms in lower tiers, but many of these seem to operate in lower technology niches and/or the replacement market.
The overall point is not to deny the impressive expansion of the Thai auto industry. I concur with Hla Oo that Thai government officials have been very astute in identifying market niches and attracting foreign firms, including foreign parts producers, especially compared to Malaysia. The point is rather that most Thai firms have not been able to take advantage of this process. Thai automotive development has certainly not been de-localized; but it does seem to be in a process of de-nationalization. Especially troubling have been weaknesses in supporting industries, such as plastic and metal parts, moulds, dies, and jigs, parts and mould production, whose mid-range technology and robust demand from foreign assemblers in sectors such as electronics and autos make them reasonable niches in which innovation might occur.
All of this relates to a point highlighted in numerous reports – namely, Thailand’s failure to develop its science and technology base. Consider one statistic — the number of publications listed in the Science Citation Index (SCI) compiled by German scholar, Daniel Schiller: In the 1980-84 period, Thailand’s SCI publication total of 394 exceeded those of Korea (341) and Singapore (253); by 1985-1989, the Thai figure had risen to only 446 compared to 1,043 for Korea and 597 for Singapore; by 2000-2005, the Thai figure was 2,059 compared to 21,471 for Korea and 5,177 for Singapore.
Thailand has always impressed observers by its ability to respond to tough times. I am now less confident in the likelihood of such responses. Indeed, at the end of my recent book I quoted a May 2008 article from THE ECONOMIST that Thailand risked becoming “one of those perenially, unstable, tragi-comic countries, such as the Philippines…”
Clash at National Monument
[…] http://www.newmandala.org/2010/04/28/clash-at-national-monument/ […]
Suthep threatens arrests
I was not referring to the junta as being comparable to the National Socialists. I was referring to the remarkable similarities between the rallies now being held by the Reds and the way that the masses were psychologically manipulated in Germany pre war. In Mein Kamp Hitler emphasized that mass psychological tactics dispense with argumentation and keep the masses’ attention fixed on the ‘final goal’ – in this case the disolving of Parliament and, by implication at least, the triumphant return of Thaksin. The Nazis were very skilled in operating upon the emotions of the individuals in the masses and avoiding relevant arguments as much as possible. Just like the reds they were able to turn people away from obvious truths by employing such tactics. I hope this clarifies my earlier statement.
Clash at National Monument
How many Thais must give their lives so that Abhisit’s job and the jobs of his cronies are not put in the democratic balance of election?
Is there civilized country on earth where the call for an election is answered in blood?
Abhisit is so smooth, people listening to him just cannot believe he is lying, bald-faced. But he is, and has been doing so for months. He says one thing for international consumption and does the opposite.
When watching Abhisit, always turn the sound down if you want to get the true picture of what’s happening. The Oxonian Dr Jekyll is in reality Mr Hyde.
Clash at National Monument
See video clip from Spring News
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=WY3ietw20AA
Clash at National Monument
Additional report,
The dead soldier namedly Private Narongrit Sara was shot to the head. He was riding a motorbike as “rapid unit” toward those standing soldiers. As the situation tensed and it was heavy rain, some said the standing force fired to the poor private.
Another injured innocent motorist, is reported namely as Mr. Komkrit, (some said he works as vegetable delivery at Si Moom Muang Market) was shot by real bullet while he was in his car and treated at ICU in a hospital.
The hospitals nearby report total casualties of 18 in total (mostly civilian, and passing by folks).
Suthep threatens arrests
“What’s there to deny exactly?”
cf: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Six_Degrees_of_Kevin_Bacon
“The deep political crisis within the Royal Thai Army officer corps”
Great to see an independent unbiased article on the Thai situation where Thaksin is not mentioned and being blamed for everything that is wrong with Thailand.
Clash at National Monument
My friend was driving at Paholyothin road, near Lam Look Ka intersection when the incident took place. He saw many soldiers and riot police were firing bullets to the air, some to the protesters.
Spring News TV (http://www.springnewstv.com) is now blocked by the ICT for their live report at the scene claiming the shooting came from the standing soldiers and hit a soilder riding on motorcycle. See picture
http://www.pantip.com/cafe/rajdumnern/topic/P9183397/P9183397-0.jpg
BBC also reports the dead soldier was mistakenly shot by another soldier.
I watched live local Thai TPBS, and The Nation, the reporters said the protestors had nothing except rocks, sticks, firecrackers etc.
Suthep threatens arrests
“Former prime minister Chavalit on Tuesday denied any involvement in the alleged plot revealed by the government. He accused the CRES of creating more public confusion.” http://www.bangkokpost.com/news/local/176154/chavalit-asked-to-testify-anti-monarchy-allegation
What a joke.
Not so long ago… “Thai Deputy Prime Minister Chavalit Yongchaiyudh resigned after more than 100 anti-government protesters were injured as police cleared a blockade of Parliament.” http://www.bloomberg.com/apps/news?pid=20601080&sid=aaSpVlNMZwbM&refer=asia
Why doesn’t Suthep do the same just for consistency?
Clash at National Monument
First Arisman escapes arrest, now Kwanchai…
Apparently arrested: http://news.xinhuanet.com/english2010/world/2010-04/28/c_13270995.htm
Apparently free: http://www.bangkokpost.com/breakingnews/176164/udd-leader-kwanchai-escapes-arrest
Can’t wait for the ‘Idiots Guide to Brutal Crackdowns’ by Abhisit, Suthep, Anupong and Sansern.
Suthep threatens arrests
Leah, I think you are missing Ian’s point regarding the National Socialism analogy. He seems to be suggesting that, however valid the claims for a fairer society may be, the fact is that the political leaders behind the Red Shirts are pushing emotional buttons rather than putting forward any policy suggestions. I think it’s worth bearing in mind that these Red politicians are some of the worst and most corrupt that Thailand has to offer, and that is saying something. (I find it had to see the likes of Chalerm as a great leap forward for democracy).
In my opinion, the underlying cause of Thailand’s problems is not a group of mythical “elites”; rather, the problem arises from Thai culture, particularly the acceptance of, and even preference for, an unequal distribution of power, the centrality of grateful-relationship networks, a tendency towards flexibility in how moral judgements are made depending on the context, and the lack of a culture of argument and debate.
Suthep threatens arrests
Ian Franklin #18 –
Whilst I wouldn’t go as far as to equate the Reds with the fascist national socialist movement in pre-war Germany, I agree with wholeheartedly about mass manipulation and serving the interests of another elite grouping.
Not enough is mentioned about this on New Mandala, and too many people seem ready to buy into this ‘phrai’ vs ‘amart’ thing. Whilst there is validity in talking about raised consciousness amongst the rural/poor classes and aspirations for a more inclusive and representative democracy, I don’t think that the UDD leadership has much substance in this regard when you scratch beneath the surface of their rhetoric.
Lets see how much of a voice, and how much benefit, has accrued to the average red a couple of years down the line, when (if?) Puea Thai or its lastest incarnation is back at the helm…
Suthep threatens arrests
Anyone care to comment on the chart itself?
It might look confusing but it shows rather obvious things – connections between various red leaders and prominent supporters, their media, financiers and ideologists, and how various anti-monarchy elements are incorporated into this web.
What’s there to deny exactly?
Suthep threatens arrests
Small addition to Leah Hoyt’s comments:
The 2007 Constitution was also created to absolve those who committed national wrong-doing and keep them above morality, ethics and even lawful prosecution. Reiterating my earlier point, any Thai government is merely an interim caretaker, and will not in any way whatsoever act against the interests of those who claim to protect the monarchy but are using the monarchy to protect themselves instead.