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Ryamizard Ryacudu (left) is one of the many not so welcome faces in Jokowi’s new cabinet.
The first cabinet for Indonesia’s new, ‘reformist’ president, Joko Widodo, is striking for how bad some of the appointments are, writes Edward Aspinall.
Indonesia’s new president, Joko Widodo (Jokowi) promised to bring a new spirit of reform to Indonesia. Indeed, he has offered nothing less than a ‘mental revolution’. In his first real test, the formation of cabinet, Jokowi seems to have gone for realpolitik over reform.
What is striking about the new cabinet he announced on 26 October is how familiar it looks. It’s a cabinet with the standard mixture we have come to expect in democratic Indonesia: a few decent reformers are located in technocratic posts, but many party hacks also get seats. More appointments are surprisingly bad than are surprisingly good.
Much has been made of the fact that the new cabinet contains a high proportion of people (18 out of 34) with professional rather than party backgrounds. But Indonesian cabinets always contain a mixture of intellectuals, business leaders, and technocrats, alongside party appointees. This usually makes it possible for reformers outside the government to take comfort from the presence of a few individuals with records of integrity and professional skill in the cabinet. Things are much the same this year.
For example, the new minister for culture and elementary and secondary education is the highly respected Anies Baswedan, rector of Jakarta’s Paramadina University, and a man with many visionary ideas about the future of education in Indonesia. Pratikno, the rector of Gadjah Mada University and new State Secretary, is also highly regarded. Some of the technocratic and economic ministers are respected in their respective fields. The new foreign affairs minister, Retno Lestari Priansari Marsudi, is the first woman in the post and a respected diplomat (as is almost always the case). Nila Moeloek the new health minister is a professor of medicine at the University of Indonesia and a strong advocate for public health (she’s also one of eight women in the cabinet – a new record).
Overall, no doubt some of these professionals will turn out to be very competent and productive ministers. But it is striking that so few of them (Anies Baswedan is the obvious exception) have established independent reputations as reformers, even though many such people were included in the many lists of potential cabinet members that circulated in the lead up to the announcement.
What is really striking about the new cabinet is how bad some of the appointments are. Special mention should be made of the new Defence Minister, Ryamizard Ryacudu. It has been a 15-year tradition to appoint civilians to this post, as a symbol of civilian supremacy in the new Indonesia. This appointment breaks that tradition. It also appals members of Indonesia’s human rights community.
As Army Chief of staff back in the mid-2000s, Ryacudu not only infamously praised as ‘heroes’ soldiers who were convicted of murdering a famous Papuan independence campaigner, he also actively tried to sabotage the Aceh peace process and intensify military operations there in the aftermath of the December 2004 tsunami. He is the most conservative former military officer to have been included in a cabinet since 1999.
Another appointment ringing alarm bells in Indonesia is new state enterprises minister, Rini Soewandi. Like Ryacudu, Soewandi is a confidante of Megawati Soekarnoputri and owes her cabinet position to this connection. She was a trade and industry minister under Megawati, and was last year questioned by the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) in regard to her alleged role in the massive Bank Indonesia (BI) liquidity assistance scandal. It is highly suspicious that a patronage politician like this should be appointed to head the State Enterprises ministry, one of the ‘wettest’ in Indonesia and long a milch cow for the party that controlled it.
These appointments show that Jokowi has had to make compromises with the political parties who backed his presidential campaign and whose support he will need in parliament. Again, there is nothing unusual in this: Yudhoyono had six parties represented in his last cabinet; Jokowi has five. But it was believed that Jokowi would intervene strongly to ensure that the party appointees were highly reputable and effective, and he called on the KPK to screen candidates and weed out those suspected of corruption. This process did lead to some candidates proposed by the parties being abandoned. There is little evidence it led to an overall improvement of the quality of party appointees.
For example, in the weeks leading to the formation of the cabinet, there was much speculation that the appointees from Jokowi’s own PDI-P would include some of the party’s younger and dynamic reformers. This did not happen, and instead we see, for example, Tjahjo Kumolo, the party’s unscrupulous general secretary and all-round fixer appointed to the politically crucial position of Interior Minister (Kumolo is another new minister with the dubious distinction of having been questioned by the KPK). Puan Maharani, Megawati’s daughter and one of the most reviled figures in contemporary Indonesia, gets a senior coordinating ministerial post.
Likewise, Jokowi has stated that bureaucratic reform would be a critical priority for him, but has given the relevant ministry to an undistinguished Hanura party politician. The new coordinating minister for economic affairs, Sofyan Djalil, was an undistinguished minister for state enterprises during Yudhoyono’s first term and is in the new cabinet because he is close to vice president Jusuf Kalla. And so on.
It was always clear that Jokowi would have to make compromises with the political parties that backed him and the old forces of patronage that underpin them. In that regard, there is little that is surprising in the composition of the new cabinet. But it is surprising just how far he has gone in making these compromises.
Overall, this is a cabinet that continues rather than breaks with Indonesia’s emerging political traditions. To be sure, it is possible that some of the ministers will emerge as strong reformers. But at first glance, this cabinet is far from being the fresh start that Jokowi promised.
Edward Aspinall is a professor of politics at the Australian National University’s College of Asia and the Pacific.
[…] Professor Ed Aspinall says that Jokowi has gone for ‘realpolitik over reform’, although he has still some […]
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Wow.
This expression of disappointment over Indonesia’s new Ministerial Cabinet far exceeds the average Indonesian, even the most bitter of Camp Prabowo’s groupies. The author declared up-front that “It’s a cabinet with the standard mixture we have come to expect in democratic Indonesia.” I’m confused. Does this mean he expected something from an un-democratic Indonesia?
The fact is there are many things about the current cabinet selection process that are superior to the previous cabinets. Foremost: It involved the KPK and PPATK; It was reasonably transparent by employing a team rather than completely reliant on just the President and his closest whisperers; It has a good pace (Not too fast and not exceeding the post-inauguration 14-day time limit); etc. Remember the time when all the President had to do was pick up a phone and tell someone that he is appointed? (Shudder!)
Let’s start with the author’s first gripe: “… it is striking that so few of them (Anies Baswedan is the obvious exception) have established independent reputations as reformers, even though many such people were included in the many lists of potential cabinet members that circulated in the lead up to the announcement.” I don’t know why Anies is considered an exception (fellow academic sentiments, perhaps? Here’s a naysayer: http://www.aktual.co/politik/jokowi-anies-baswedan-tak-berjiwa-trisakti ) but he’s not. Susi PudjiastutiтАО was a self-made entrepreneur (real rags-to-riches story that rivals Jokowi’s) who provided air travel on routes that Garuda Airways dared not. Ignasius Jonan practically reinvented the Indonesian railway system to become the air-conditioned pee-stench-free system we enjoy today. And so on. Always keep in mind that 250 million Indonesians have different opinions on each individual ministers, including their reform cred. Nobody can accommodate so many (few?) eligible candidates for only 34 positions and appease everybody.
The author’s main beef is the appointment of Ryamizard Ryacudu, apparently, as “He is the most conservative former military officer to have been included in a cabinet since 1999.” The article then spend two paragraphs citing the general’s past attrocities. Well . . . “Quis ex vobis sine peccato est vestrum, primus in illam lapidem mittat.” (Evangelium Secundum Ioannem, 8:7). Even most Acehnese and Papuans have moved on. That aside, the appointment of Ryacudu is not without merit. For a start, as a conservative, he has the chops, the cred, and speaks the lingo of those he has to manage: the TNI. Remember, Jokowi is planning a major re-shaping of the TNI (i.e. from focusing from the army to the navy). This will not happen without resistance from the old guard. Who better than someone like Ryacudu to tame these tigers? Another clueless civilian that the TNI will ignore? Only Nixon can go to China.
And then there’s the objection against Rini Soewandi: “… Soewandi is a confidante of Megawati Soekarnoputri and owes her cabinet position to this connection. She was a trade and industry minister under Megawati, and was last year questioned by the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) in regard to her alleged role in the massive Bank Indonesia (BI) liquidity assistance scandal.” Aw, hell. Everyone is a confidante to Somebody. Soewandi’s connection to Megawati is just as common as, say, US’ Bobby Kennedy and JFK, Aussie’s Anna Bligh and Greg Withers, or UK’s 200-plus MPs who used Parliamentary allowances to employ their own relatives in a variety of office roles. Lucky Ms Soewandi. Just get over it already. Regarding KPK’s suspicion of her past? Well, innocent until proven. Right?
Next on the complaint list is: “Tjahjo Kumolo, the party’s unscrupulous general secretary and all-round fixer appointed to the politically crucial position of Interior Minister.” Never mind the contradiction in this sentence (I know “unscrupulous” is bad, but isn’t being an “all-round fixer” is actually good for a “politically crucial position”???), Kumolo actually would make a good foil for a potentially hostile DPR and MPR. He’s ex-DPR Fraction leader and worked at Komisi I, which means he’s the guy the KMP people feel that they can talk to. He’s certainly an upgrade from Gamawan Fawzi, who despite having a PhD managed to propose the Law on Indirect Election! Nope. This position does NOT need another academic or bureaucrat. It needs a player.
Then we have the most subjective sentence in the article: “Puan Maharani, Megawati’s daughter and one of the most reviled figures in contemporary Indonesia.” Now, there’s actually a survey to back this up, right? No? Otherwise, the word “reviled” is quite overboard, not to mention rude. Had the sentence was applied to Megawati, then it MAY contain some truth, given that she has accumulated some mileage. Applying it to her daughter? That’s hardly fair, is it? What if the post is given to, say, Edhie “Ibas” Baskoro or Tatiek Soeharto or Yenni Wahid or some other helpless next-gen politicos? Should they also pay for their fathers’ sins? As for Puan’s appointment, well, this is hardly the first time that a newbie was appointed to an important post, is it? So just give her a break and stop with the family name-calling. It’s the height of rudeness in Indonesia (Try asking “Bapak lu siapa?” to anyone in Indonesia in order to get into trouble).
The article seems to have lost the plot near the end, by saying, “The new coordinating minister for economic affairs, Sofyan Djalil, was an undistinguished minister for state enterprises.” I will ignore the “undistinguished” remark in that sentence (see opinion above re: subjectivity) and focus instead on progression: First, he was Minister for State Enterprises. Next, he was Minister for Economic Affairs. Hel-looo? That’s a clear cut connection to Jokowi’s repeated mantra to deliver on “ekonomi kerakyatan”, right? Who’s the striker? Who’s the sweeper? Who’s in the middle? Who guards the back? Who’s the goalie? These are just the means. You have to STOP nitpicking on individual appointments and start focusing on the overall game plan.
Finally, the article gave its disclaimer: “at first glance, this cabinet is far from being the fresh start that Jokowi promised.” Well, first glances are almost always deceptive and superficial. After the author admitted to this, my question is: Why on earth would a professor of politics wrote a foreboding article on a cabinet that is barely formed? For example, the Coordinating Ministry of the Maritime Sector (Menko Bidang Kemaritiman) is so new that Minister Indroyono Soesilo (ex-FAO chief) has no staff and no office (Incidentally, would this this new ministry qualify as another continuation of “Indonesia’s emerging political traditions”?). As a scholar of politics, the author should know better than anyone that there is no such thing as political traditions (in Indonesia at least), only pragmatic realpolitik. The governments of Soekarno, Soeharto, Habibie, Gus Dur, Megawati and SBY are all so different in nature that the only common thread is if an individual hold the same post. Even this is no guarantee.
When Michelle Obama asked Joe Klein (author of Primary Colors) whether he was going to write another story based on her husband’s new presidency, Barack told her that he is not interesting enough. He was right. Only a dysfunctional government would make a good story. I suspect that the only reason for writing this article is to make sure that business IS as usual. Among political analyst Indonesianists, that is. This require drama, which some people are seeking by drumming up insignificant spectres and bogeymen, and turn them into clear and present dangers to the nation (Minor nitpick: The author doesn’t even vote or is even a citizen of Indonesia, right?).
Anyways, the article is highly provocative (may be incendiary) at a time when Indonesians are tired of drama and wanted only a decent closure. Jokowi’s new cabinet is only starting, just like the previous cabinets had their starts, and any start will always be fresh no matter what the spoilers say.
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Hey “Oh Really”!! You [email protected] nailed it. Excellent reply to this horrible article. Please reply to all these “expert expat” analyses cluttering the net. They all want to see Indo fail.
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“Only Nixon can go to China” is the perfect answer for those who are questioning the appointment of Mr. Ryacudu.
Well written and insightful response to a somewhat imbalance article.
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Does this author believes that a good cabinet must be filled pro-Australian ministers?
1. The appointment of Ryamizard Ryacudu is a sign that Jokowi does not intend to negotiate of border sovereignty issues. This is actually in line with his acceptance speech firm remarks. So if the president makes good on his promise pledge by appointing someone from the hardliner, what seems to be the problem?
2. In a Kompas article (27/10, page 2), the KPK has reaffirmed that no one in this working cabinet got red-flagged or even yellow-flagged. So Rini Soewandi, Tjahjo Kumolo, and Puan are in the clear and must be given the benefit of a doubt. You can not just accuse someone just because it seems right. The KPK says they are clean, then they are clean.
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After the Atambua UNHCR murders Ryakudu was sent to to investigate. He hated Timor,the whole island, couldn’t wait to leave. I empathise. Before checking out of his hotel he grabbed a list of militia leaders prepared by his minions and gave it to the Minister, SBY, who called a meeting in Bali and told them to attend. Some did, others couldn’t be bothered. As SBY began reading out their names as suspects, one stood up and threatened that if they were to be made scapegoats they would expose TNI and POLRI’s role in the events. SBY started sweating, noticeably. Had someone checked his seat they may have noticed a wet brown patch. He promised to fix it with rupes – 3M, initially. Pretty poor really, considering the old joke that TNI went to Timor with an M16 and returned with 16 M. He then sent local cops Mere and Loemau, both Tetun speakers, the former with a missus from UDT. The cash was for bribing militia to ‘pasang badan’ – go to jail for a crime they hadn’t perpetrated, or had a minor role in, to protect Indonesia’s reputation. Mere’s rupes convinced the late katuas Miguel Babo, Ermera militia leader, to pay a few of his guys to pasang their badans. The Haliwen crowd, where the Ermera refugees camped, had indeed been involved in the murders. As a result, the perpetrators and those who controlled them walked away, and still do, as free men.
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When he was army chief of staff in the halcyon days of Megawati’s presidency, Ryamizard Ryacudu acted as a precursor to Edward Snowden by revealing that there were 60,000 foreign spies (‘mata-mata asing’) in Indonesia. Presumably he rounded up to that figure from the real total, say 59,678, or maybe 58,945, for ease of reference.
The competition for sources among all those foreign spies must have been phenomenal. Indonesian informants could have auctioned off their access and information to the highest bidder and made fortunes in the process. Alternatively, they could have provided the same information to several foreign agencies and doubled, tripled or quadrupled their income.
General Ryamizard let down his audience to some extent by not providing a national break-down of the 60,000. It is to be hoped that he will fill in this gap in our knowledge now that he is Defence Minister. Despite low birth rates in most Western countries, the number of spies in Indonesia may well have increased during the last decade.
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No kidding, Ken Ward. When the wiretapping of the president’s mobile phone was exposed last year, most people in Indonesia asked why on earth would foreign spies do something risky and barely useful like that? (There were even some funny jokes about it on the net) Indonesians are mobile phone maniacs. “Never say anything you’ll regret over the phone” is probably ingrained since primary school. It would be much reliable, cheaper and significantly safer to just pay for information from several dozen snitches. They don’t even have to be high-level. Adjutants, chefs, maids, chauffeurs, guards, nannies, office boy, disgruntled ex-staff, to name a few, are all capable to give excellent tip-offs. The only prerequisite is that you cross-check the information against each other for consistency and degree of reliability (100% is impossible). This is called due diligence. Something the IT-generation spies and diplomats seem to have forgotten. This old-fashioned spy-craft is time consuming, sure, but what’s the rush? It’s Indonesia, for crying out loud. Bicycles there are faster than cars.
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Hi,
I think it’s not a working cabinet, but a new cabinet with high integrity. In my opinion, Jokowi has started his term better than the last president. Indonesia needs cabinet members with high integrity first because of the current situation. You can read more about my opinion on this link.
http://pojokgagasan.blogspot.co.nz/2014/10/kabinet-kerja-atau-kabinet-berintegritas.html
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I think the professor is making a big stink about Puan. What has she done that has been so bad that deserve such scorn? The only thing she has done is she is the Megawati’s daughter.
Indonesia had 10 years of appointing ministers from the religious parties in the departments under Menko The education bureaucracy is filled with PKS types. Her job is to reverse “Islamization” of these departments. Who better to the house cleaning than Sukarno’s grand daughter. I think there are a lot of religious minorities and secular Indonesians don’t want Indonesia turn into Malaysia within a generation. The problem in Indonesia with Islamization is not so much competence, but a lack of political will.
The author lives in a parliamentary system, where all ministers are politicians as a fact, and the vast majority of them are politicians in spirit. While there are some technocrats who have been parachuted into safe seats is very rare.
The Indonesians system is not mixed parliamentary/presidential system in practice. You are bound to get political appointment. In the US Cabinet system, the most famous Secretaries are usually politicians. The most famous being Alexander Hamilton.
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Focusing on the appointment of Puan Maharani, as much as it seemed as a ‘thank you’ gesture from Jokowi to his party, giving her the coordinating ministry position is a brilliant move. Not only she won’t have direct role to the policy making process, she also won’t be the decisive factor of a ministry affairs.
Her position is higher, hierarchically, but not necessarily means her role are more crucial.
The author mentioned technocrats, but somehow refused to appraise or being critical towards them. Nevertheless, in several position, we must acknowledge that the appointees were highly promising compared to the previous cabinet.
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Exactly, Dazed and Confused. Those on the list were legitimate targets, any analyst worth his/her dolphins would have wanted to know if Bank Century had the potential to bring down the SBY Gov and if SBY intended to use his Party to force more of his dribbling family members into office. That humint wasn’t up to the task is the worst possible condemnation. That so many on the list had Australian connections, and our diplomats still couldn’t get the information, is all the more embarrassing. The only possible conclusion is that Australia can’t do humint any more and has surrendered to signals. The laziness is astounding and won’t be fixed in a generation.
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I’m with Ed and Ken about Ryamizard – it’s a truly terrible appointment. Did Hendropriyono have anything to do with it, I wonder?
Possibly more likely is that this involves a little quiet revenge-taking by Megawati. At the end of her presidency in 2004, she tried to appoint Ryamizard as KSAB (I think it was), but SBY averted this.
Anyway, having defeated one of the most anti-democratic New Order ex-generals in an election, we have the prospect of Jokowi, the arch-democrat, appointing a different anti-democrat to an important position.
Yes, give the new government a fair chance to work, but we already know a bit too much about some of them, and that bit is none too favourable.
A key question in my mind is whether Jokowi will – or will be able to – exert a unifying and team-building influence on the cabinet, or whether he will let ministers do their own thing with limited and/or inadequate central direction, as SBY too often did. In itself, it looks more like a collection of spare parts, rather than a smooth-running machine.
Well, at least Jokowi’s talking tough:
http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/10/27/in-first-cabinet-meeting-jokowi-shows-who-boss.html
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Totally agree with Aspinall. Sharp comments. Jokowi is overrate.
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Its clear an academic he has little experience in the real world. Take for example Tjahjo Kumolo. Yes he is sleaze ball. But the Home Affairs Department is not a very wet position, but it has a lot of power. First he has define what is the responsibility of the Home Affairs, then underline the problems the Home Affairs has been facing in the last 10 years. The problems with minority issues stem from Home Affairs decrees issued by the Home Affairs Department. Here is an interesting article
http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/10/28/new-home-minister-delve-minority-issues.html
Like with Puan, SBY has put in conservative Muslim officials in such positions. The previous Home Minister was the Governor of West Sumatra, one of the most conservative provinces in Indonesia. The Home Affairs Department deals with politicians (regents, governors), they need a politician to crack some skulls. By putting a high ranking PDI-P politician in charge, minorities will know that the PDI-P is serious about reversing all those discriminatory laws.
The author is using one standards to measure all positions. The previous Home Affairs Minister was very qualified on paper. And he is most likely the best person for the job if you want to implement Sharia Law across Indonesia.
His job like Puan is reverse islamization that SBY allowed to run rampant in Indonesia, with local governments violating the Constitution and national laws..
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That’s funny. Two of the Ministers that the author criticizes – Puan and Tjahjo – are Indonesia’s best hope to roll-back discriminative sharia laws and to protect minority rights. I don’t suppose the professor is a closet muallaf? That would explain the Ryamizard Ryacudu-bashing, too. He’s rabidly anti-Islamist.
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“Albert Hirt” and a multitude of others,
Increasingly people feel that they can weigh in to New Mandala discussions under multiple monikers. The “sock puppetry” that follows is tedious.
Over the years we have allowed some of it to occur but this comment should be taken as a strong signal that your efforts aren’t considered sporting.
While people can have multiple names, and sometimes there are good reasons for that, the rampant negativity that is indulged will also be stamped out. Good manners should still be compatible with Internet-based discussions.
On this score, we have deleted a large number of recent comments and the authors of those comments know why. New Mandala isn’t a forum for relentless bullying of those with whom you perceive disagreement.
For those of you who find that your comments on New Mandala are regularly binned I hope a message about appropriate conduct is starting to get through. We have proved tolerant but there are limits.
Best wishes to all,
Nich
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Indonesians been and still are through some ‘extreme’ conditions. You name it, from sectarian violance, unfair corporate practices to massive corrupt allegation bringing the whole rich natural source country bankrupt in few decades to come. Jokowi has learnt that being a public figure may carry a risk of unsatisfaction to a certain point where he had to compromise around. I believe that ‘extreme’ environtment should encounter ‘extreme’ measures for the country to restore its pride and unity back in tact. The message is clear, friends and foes have reached a single deal, foreign robbers stop joking around or we are forced to play hard against you. Then, what could you expect? He is a true nationalist wich is rare among Indonesians today. Leave him alone and let him enjoy working.
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No, most aceh and papuans have not move on! I am one of them!
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He didn’t consider the Jokowi plans to centralize alot of the functions to the Presidential Office. Ministers will be implementing Presidential Goals, rather ministerial ones.
The writer in an academic blog, so standards should be higher than what you find in the popular press. To be credible and impartial, you should go through each department, listing the roles and problems. Then ask whether the minister is capable of solving the problem. Then spell out Jokowi’s vision for the area, and ask if the Minsiter is capable of implementing it.
For example Ryamizard Ryacudu. He is conservative and a ex-general. Picking a ex-general shows confidence that that the civilians don’t have to pick a civilian to show civilian-military supremacy. Secondly, Jokowi wants boast spending and shift it to the Navy. There are going to be a lot of army commanders that will be upset, and who better to explain it to them then an old warhorse.
As for his human rights record. With the police dealing largely with insurgency, I don;t know how important it is?
At the end of the day, the Indonesians politicians swear an Oath to the Indonesian Constitution, and should judge by that.
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Perhaps this article should be re-titled Aspinall “Fails his first test analysing Jokowi” ! It is difficult to see what else Jokowi could have done, other than erect a praetorian guard of the likes of his new Defence Minister, and the various Sukarnoist appointees.
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[…] Indonesian human rights activists, academics and solidarity groups have all expressed concern about Jokowi’s new Defence Minister, […]
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Nicholas Farrelly’s comments on sock puppets don’t go far enough. All responses should be signed by a real person with the courage to stand behind his or her views, preferably with a one-liner about their position or authority. You lower your standards by tolerating pseudonyms.
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Too many Indonesia expert … Thanks god they are still many Indonesian who understand though they have to be patient waiting for next five years to have the real President who really care of his country…. Sorry guys, Indonesia is not for sale… ever,,,!!
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Thanks Ed for sparking such an interesting debate.
Ryacudu was the guy who lined up his tanks outside Monas and the Presidential Palace as President Gus Dur was being impeached. The beneficiary of that impeachment was Megawati, who became President without being elected. She’s now rewarding Ryacudu’s loyalty.
‘Oh Really’, your analysis was informative, except the bit about Acehnese and Papuans ‘moving on’.
Overall, Jokowi has been politically smart with his Cabinet selections. The appointment of Ryacudu means he’s gonna give a long leash to the military (like the Megawati presidency did) but clamp down on Muslim extremists (who nearly won Prabowo the presidency)!
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[…] Although, on the campaign trail, Jokowi promised a cabinet of technocrats, in keeping with his reputation as an effective manager, in office he has had to deal with the reality that he ran on the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) ticket and that he has to reward political supporters to some extent. So, his cabinet includes PDI-P powers, like Puan Maharani, the daughter of current PDI-P head and former President Megawati Sukarnoputri, who was handed a coordinating ministerial portfolio but does not have the experience or skills to do the job. Worse, Jokowi handed the defense portfolio to Megawati loyalist Ryamizard Ryacudu. This was a horrible choice. As Edward Aspinall notes on the blog New Mandala: […]
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[…] Although, on a debate trail, Jokowi betrothed a cupboard of technocrats, in gripping with his repute as an effective manager, in bureau he has had to understanding with a existence that he ran on a Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) sheet and that he has to prerogative domestic supporters to some extent. So, his cupboard includes PDI-P powers, like Puan Maharani, a daughter of stream PDI-P head and former President Megawati Sukarnoputri, who was handed a coordinating ministerial portfolio though does not have a knowledge or skills to do a job. Worse, Jokowi handed a invulnerability portfolio to Megawati loyalist Ryamizard Ryacudu. This was a terrible choice. As Edward Aspinall notes on a blog New Mandala: […]
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“… how bad some of the appointments are …” Well, I think you need to awake to the dire reality of politics: you campaign for one thing to get elected, then you choose your appointees to placate all the groups that may have stood down to allow you to rise to where you are on the platform you rode on. Q.v. Obama and “promising” to close Guantanamo. If I understand anything about your country’s politics then it is that the “civilian supremacy” in practice never really existed and hence the more “reformist” you lean, the more closer to the military do you need to choose the defense minister or risk a putsch or other obstructions.
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[…] would deliver. Edward Aspinall, a professor of politics at the Australian National University, argues this cabinet is an unadventurous continuation of ‘business as usual’ politics, with a prevalence of mediocre party politicians over […]
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fails his first test? come on.. are you kidding me?
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he always fails hoho
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[…] as hard-line military conservative as Minister of Defense. Responding to the newly-formed cabinet, Ed Aspinall wrote in New Mandala that Jokowi had failed his first test by abandoning the reform mission and instead opting for a […]
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[…] results in Indonesia have not been spectacular. The cabinet that Jokowi announced was a tremendous let-down, packed with Megawati’s buddies with just a sprinkling of competent, open-minded […]
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[…] Jokowi fails his first test (New Mandala) […]
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