Some background info: the flight to Burma that Sonthi was referring to was the 11 September “goodwill delegation” that Sonthi led to meet Burma junta head Than Shwe and his cronies. Sonthi’s wife went as well. That was a bit more than a week before the coup.
I’m not sure what Sonthi was afraid of – being arrested when he got on the plane ala Chatichai ’91, being arrested by the Burmese after he landed, a cockpit hijacking ala 9/11, etc. It’s been often noted that the Air Force wasn’t the most enthusiastic supporter of the 19 Sept coup (that’s why Army troops had to seize control of Don Muang airport), so maybe he was afraid that Air Force commander Chalit would take him out?
Two other interesting things were noted in the interview.
First was that Sonthi explicitly copied the “Portuguese example” – the 5 October 1910 revolution that overthrew the King of Portugal and established the first Portuguese Republic. Preceeding 5 October was a series of anti-government rallies and a mutiny of the Portuguese Navy. This coincidence of events gave the Army the momentum it needed to seize Lisboa and kick out the King. It is extremely interesting to see Sonthi using a republican revolution this as the template for his own royalist 19 September coup.
The second thing is Sonthi’s claim that he told Thaksin to his face that he was going to stage a coup. No date for this is given – just that it was made during a lunch with Thaksin and the commanders of the military at RTAF HQ. Frankly, I think Sonthi is lying (after the past month, itwould be naive to expect honesty out of the Thai military). As of March, Sonthi was still saying in public that he would not stage a coup. I find it inconceivable that Thaksin and most of his Cabinet would go abroad if Sonthi told Thaksin to his face that he was going to overthrow the government.
Patiwat: here is a bit of backgrount. This is an ethnically northern Thai village located about one hours drive from a major provincial centre in a relatively remote inter-montane valley. It is located about 3 kilometres from the small district centre where there is a small market, hospital, highschool etc. The village has a population of about 400 people (100 households). There is no primary school in the village but there is one in a neighbouring village. I am not sure of the poverty headcount, though I must say that the figures I have seen seem very unreliable. But I can say that there is a substantial landless “underclass” who rely almost completely on local wage labour. There is a strong agricultural sector in the village (rice in the wet season and various cash crops in the dry season). But I suspect (surveys have not been analysed in detail) that more than 50% of income is earnt off-farm. There are relatively few young people in the village – most are off studying or working in urban centres. In fact, there has been a pattern of out-migration for some time (a few decades at least) partly as a result of the limited agricultural land. Most villagers watch standard TV, though a few now have satellite dishes.
Was it a talaad (market)? Was it in or near the ampher muang (provincial seat)? How does the village classify under the SML program? Did the village warrant a primary school? Lower secondary school? Upper secondary school? Was the poverty headcount rate below the 15% average for the Northern Region? Was it one of those villages where most of the young have left to find jobs in Bangkok? Does the village rely on terrestrial TV, or does it get satellite channels like ASTV?
Gen. Sonthi goes to his usual barber for a haircut after the coup. While cutting the hair the barber asks: ‘General, when are you holding the next Thai election?”
Gen Sonthi: ‘We have promised the Thai people to hold elections in a year’s time”
After some more snips with his scissor the barber asks again: ‘General, when are you holding the next Thai election?”
Gen Sonthi: ” I told you before, we are committed to holding an election in year’s time but there may be a few months delay due to time required for writing the new Constitution”
Once again in a little while the barber asks ” But General do you have a date in mind for the next election?”
At this the General blows his top and pulls out his gun and shouts: “What’s wrong with you? Why are you going on and on about the election?”
The old barber wais low and his hands shaking says: “Don’t get upset Gen. Sonthi. I asked only because every time I said ‘election’ your hair stood up and made it easier for me to do my job”
I see no point here, Nick. Taking account on this guy’s opinion, who gave a little smile and said ‘I spent only a couple of days in making decision to let the Coup, and his ‘knowlegde’ on ‘true democray’ is so naive and absurd. Besides, there is no ‘true democracy’
For some of u here who still have not come across the hot site please go to: http://www.sameskybooks.org/ and click on to the web-board, you will see the real democracy or at least the talks of what the Gen called ‘true democray’ in Thailand
All this talk about true democracy.
Maybe Sonthi will let us know what ‘true democracy’ is, and give a few examples of countries where it is practiced.
[…] Before the whiff of Sonthi’s “democratic reform”┬ filled the air, there was a night, 21 August 2006,┬ when Thai television ran continuous reports on fisticuffs between opponents and supporters of then Caretaker Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra .┬ For┬ footage of the commotion, and the┬ scuffles of that day,┬ check out┬ this 8 minute video.┬ At the time, I┬ posted my brief reaction to events on New Mandala and concluded┬ by writing: As the commentary in tonight’s TV coverage made clear,┬ this has now become a fight over the “meaning” of that democracy.┬ Everybody seems to have an┬ opinion on its limits and its potential. I have yet to hear anybody define “democracy” as fisticuffs in a downtown shopping mall.┬ ┬ Let’s all hope that today’s violence does not lead to further escalation.┬ ┬ […]
To everyone concern,
I think you all made justifiable comments and I can accept that. I apologize to Pathiwat for my questioning of being “a good Thai” and I agree with Bystander and, especially nganadeeleg about HM in this comment:
“And don’t you think you are not a little hypocritical, as His Majesty himself said he should not be above criticism either?”
“-The King has said he would no longer take lese majeste charges seriously anymore – is it feasible to have the lese majeste laws taken off the books to stop them being used by politicians as a threat and smokescreen?”
We all have to balance our views together here. I admit that I love and admire the king greatly. But he is only human and we all know human have flaws, the king knows that too. But for criticizing a man who has helped Thai people through crisis after crisis, that is wrong. Some people wanted to paint him as a BAD king who wants absolute monarchy, that is not true. He doesn’t want that at all.
He is respected by most Thai who are loyal to this nation. Remember how much he has donated from his own pocket to help people in need? All the sacrifices he gave without being selfish, especially the tsunami crisis.
I care what people say about the king because he doesn’t deserve to be criticized so harsh. About his speech, I did read it. My English translation were quite close to what he said in his speech. Some part may be misleading because there are words and phrases that cannot be translated correctly in English. But may be we understood differently, I won’t argue about that. In conclusion, my friends, I do respect everyone’s opinions and I hope we will try to resolve our differences in all arguments on this subject or subjects related.
By the way, a few years back, in one of his speeches, the king did admit that some failed projects (he mentioned one in Prachuab Kiri Khan) were his fault entirely and that he was not perfect but people expected him to be perfect because he is the king. I haven’t been able to find that part of the speech and at the moment I am trying to trace all of his speeches in the last 10 years and read them, hopefully I can find that part and share it with you.
[…] As I have written ealier, much of the ideological justification for Thailand’s coup rests on the view that Thaksin’s electoral mandate was illegitimate given that it was “bought” from a politically naive and unsophisticated rural electorate. The so-called pro-democracy movement of Sondhi Limthonkul makes much of the need to educate the rural masses before they can play a legitmate part in the electoral system. The elitist and undemocratic stereotype of rural ignorance is one that I am committed to challenge. […]
[…] As I have written ealier, much of the ideological justification for Thailand’s coup rests on the view that Thaksin’s electoral mandate was illegitimate given that it was “bought” from a politically naive and unsophisticated rural electorate. The so-called pro-democracy movement of Sondhi Limthonkul makes much of the need to educate the rural masses before they can play a legitmate part in the electoral system. The elitist and undemocratic stereotype of rural ignorance is one that I am committed to challenge. […]
[…] The Irrawaddy has a useful report by Clive Parker that covers the arguments of the UK Conservative Party MPs who have been agitating against the Burmese junta. This Irrawaddy coverage paints an interesting picture, particularly when read in light of yesterday’s and earlier New Mandala post on the topic of Western government “engagements” with the military regime. […]
[…] The Irrawaddy has a useful summary by Clive Parker of the UK Conservative Party MPs who have been agitating against the Burmese junta. This coverage paints an interesting picture, particularly when read in light of yesterday’s and earlier New Mandala post on the topic of Western government “engagements” with the military regime. […]
I’ve lived in urban and suburban locations for much of my adult life. Low/mid income townhouses and condos and apartments (rent 3-6k/month) in Ramkhamhaeng, Pakkred (in Nonthaburi province), Charansanitwong (in Thonburi), and Victory Monument. I’m not a true Bangkokian – I moved to Bangkok in 1992 from the South.
My family and most close family friends were Santi Asoke-Phalang Dharma supporters during the 1990s. After the PDP folded, we were left with only silly idiots to vote for – my family has since ticked “No Vote,” except in April 2006 when I voted TRT. The reason I abstained was because I heavily discounted party platforms – if the parties couldn’t select smart respectable people as their candidates, it didn’t matter how nice their central campaigns were. And for the second half of the 1990’s, no party had really substantial central campaigns. I voted TRT in April 2006 because I was sick and tired at the royalist anti-constitutional elitism of the PAD and felt that the TRT’s populism – even if it was flawed – needed a vote of confidence. Sondhi’s polarization tactics worked, but it pushed me to the Thaksin side, rather than the anti-Thaksin side.
The family remaining in the South lived in the markets (talaad) rather than the plantations. They usually supported the incumbent party, if and only if the incumbent kept rubber prices high. If rubber prices were low, they would vote for whatever party was the most outspoken opposition party. The votes or political views of the Southern relatives had no effect on the Bangkok branch of the family, even though the Bangkok branch technically owns part of the family’s modest rubber plantations.
Nobody in my immediate family (including the Southern relatives) has ever been approached, let alone been given money, to sell their vote. No neighbor I’ve ever known has ever been approached either. It’s a damn shame – I’ve always wanted to take the money and then report them for vote buying; really screw them. I’ve heard a lot about vote-buying, but all of it has been hearsay.
Well, my anecdotes are from the time when I lived there, which is before the 1997 constitution came into effect. In more recent times, it is still very doable to track down the ballot boxes. A friend of mine in fact jus did that in the annulled elections. She followed the ballot box transport convoy from her polling station to the district office where the vote was tallied. TI think it’s required by law that the box be opened one by one, and the vote counter have to show every ballot for all to see, and call the vote hence. If you have people keeping watch around the clock, it’s fairly straightforward to keep track of your return on investment.
Andrew, in the 2001, 2005, and April 2006 elections there was no way of knowing how effective village canvassers were at vote buying for any particular party. This was the whole point – to make vote buying more expensive and thus reduce vote buying.
It was one of the many innovations of the 1997 Constitution, and made it impossible to analyze village/district-level voting results, since the results were counted at a centralized location. As Section 6 of the Constitution noted, “р╣Гр╕Щр╣Бр╕Хр╣Ир╕ер╕░р╣Ар╕Вр╕Хр╣Ар╕ер╕╖р╕нр╕Бр╕Хр╕▒р╣Йр╕З р╣Гр╕лр╣Йр╕Фр╕│р╣Ар╕Щр╕┤р╕Щр╕Бр╕▓р╕гр╕Щр╕▒р╕Ър╕Др╕░р╣Бр╕Щр╕Щр╕Чр╕╕р╕Бр╕лр╕Щр╣Ир╕зр╕вр╣Ар╕ер╕╖р╕нр╕Бр╕Хр╕▒р╣Йр╕З р╕гр╕зр╕бр╕Бр╕▒р╕Щ р╣Бр╕ер╕░р╕Ыр╕гр╕░р╕Бр╕▓р╕ир╕Ьр╕ер╕Бр╕▓р╕гр╕Щр╕▒р╕Ър╕Др╕░р╣Бр╕Щр╕Щр╣Вр╕Фр╕вр╣Ар╕Ыр╕┤р╕Фр╣Ар╕Ьр╕в р╕Чр╕▒р╣Йр╕Зр╕Щр╕╡р╣Й р╕У р╕кр╕Цр╕▓р╕Щр╕Чр╕╡р╣Ир╣Бр╕лр╣Ир╕Зр╣Гр╕Фр╣Бр╕лр╣Ир╕Зр╕лр╕Щр╕╢р╣Ир╕З р╣Бр╕Хр╣Ир╣Ар╕Юр╕╡р╕вр╕Зр╣Бр╕лр╣Ир╕Зр╣Ар╕Фр╕╡р╕вр╕з р╣Гр╕Щр╣Ар╕Вр╕Хр╣Ар╕ер╕╖р╕нр╕Бр╕Хр╕▒р╣Йр╕Зр╕Щр╕▒р╣Йр╕Щ”
With this as well as other reforms (like the mandatory voting, the party list system, the EC, and using single-member electoral districts rather than multi-member districts), the 2001 elections became known as the cleanest in Thai history. Thailand’s military trashed more than the Thaksin government – they trashed the finest institutions of democracy that Thailand ever had.
Great, thanks. Just one question – with national votes now counted at electorate level how does anyone know how many votes the hua khanaen did (or did not) deliver?
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Is that a gun in your pocket, or are you just unhappy to see me?
Some background info: the flight to Burma that Sonthi was referring to was the 11 September “goodwill delegation” that Sonthi led to meet Burma junta head Than Shwe and his cronies. Sonthi’s wife went as well. That was a bit more than a week before the coup.
I’m not sure what Sonthi was afraid of – being arrested when he got on the plane ala Chatichai ’91, being arrested by the Burmese after he landed, a cockpit hijacking ala 9/11, etc. It’s been often noted that the Air Force wasn’t the most enthusiastic supporter of the 19 Sept coup (that’s why Army troops had to seize control of Don Muang airport), so maybe he was afraid that Air Force commander Chalit would take him out?
Two other interesting things were noted in the interview.
First was that Sonthi explicitly copied the “Portuguese example” – the 5 October 1910 revolution that overthrew the King of Portugal and established the first Portuguese Republic. Preceeding 5 October was a series of anti-government rallies and a mutiny of the Portuguese Navy. This coincidence of events gave the Army the momentum it needed to seize Lisboa and kick out the King. It is extremely interesting to see Sonthi using a republican revolution this as the template for his own royalist 19 September coup.
The second thing is Sonthi’s claim that he told Thaksin to his face that he was going to stage a coup. No date for this is given – just that it was made during a lunch with Thaksin and the commanders of the military at RTAF HQ. Frankly, I think Sonthi is lying (after the past month, itwould be naive to expect honesty out of the Thai military). As of March, Sonthi was still saying in public that he would not stage a coup. I find it inconceivable that Thaksin and most of his Cabinet would go abroad if Sonthi told Thaksin to his face that he was going to overthrow the government.
Some grassroots views on Thaksin and the coup
Patiwat: here is a bit of backgrount. This is an ethnically northern Thai village located about one hours drive from a major provincial centre in a relatively remote inter-montane valley. It is located about 3 kilometres from the small district centre where there is a small market, hospital, highschool etc. The village has a population of about 400 people (100 households). There is no primary school in the village but there is one in a neighbouring village. I am not sure of the poverty headcount, though I must say that the figures I have seen seem very unreliable. But I can say that there is a substantial landless “underclass” who rely almost completely on local wage labour. There is a strong agricultural sector in the village (rice in the wet season and various cash crops in the dry season). But I suspect (surveys have not been analysed in detail) that more than 50% of income is earnt off-farm. There are relatively few young people in the village – most are off studying or working in urban centres. In fact, there has been a pattern of out-migration for some time (a few decades at least) partly as a result of the limited agricultural land. Most villagers watch standard TV, though a few now have satellite dishes.
Some grassroots views on Thaksin and the coup
Some background demographics might be insightful.
Was it a talaad (market)? Was it in or near the ampher muang (provincial seat)? How does the village classify under the SML program? Did the village warrant a primary school? Lower secondary school? Upper secondary school? Was the poverty headcount rate below the 15% average for the Northern Region? Was it one of those villages where most of the young have left to find jobs in Bangkok? Does the village rely on terrestrial TV, or does it get satellite channels like ASTV?
Thai junta supremo lectures on democracy
Gen. Sonthi goes to his usual barber for a haircut after the coup. While cutting the hair the barber asks: ‘General, when are you holding the next Thai election?”
Gen Sonthi: ‘We have promised the Thai people to hold elections in a year’s time”
After some more snips with his scissor the barber asks again: ‘General, when are you holding the next Thai election?”
Gen Sonthi: ” I told you before, we are committed to holding an election in year’s time but there may be a few months delay due to time required for writing the new Constitution”
Once again in a little while the barber asks ” But General do you have a date in mind for the next election?”
At this the General blows his top and pulls out his gun and shouts: “What’s wrong with you? Why are you going on and on about the election?”
The old barber wais low and his hands shaking says: “Don’t get upset Gen. Sonthi. I asked only because every time I said ‘election’ your hair stood up and made it easier for me to do my job”
Thai junta supremo lectures on democracy
I see no point here, Nick. Taking account on this guy’s opinion, who gave a little smile and said ‘I spent only a couple of days in making decision to let the Coup, and his ‘knowlegde’ on ‘true democray’ is so naive and absurd. Besides, there is no ‘true democracy’
For some of u here who still have not come across the hot site please go to: http://www.sameskybooks.org/ and click on to the web-board, you will see the real democracy or at least the talks of what the Gen called ‘true democray’ in Thailand
Thai junta supremo lectures on democracy
All this talk about true democracy.
Maybe Sonthi will let us know what ‘true democracy’ is, and give a few examples of countries where it is practiced.
Some grassroots views on Thaksin and the coup
Interesting – I particularly like the comment about confusion from all the protesting….and some people were paid to protest.
Who was paying?
Fisticuffs at Central World Plaza
[…] Before the whiff of Sonthi’s “democratic reform”┬ filled the air, there was a night, 21 August 2006,┬ when Thai television ran continuous reports on fisticuffs between opponents and supporters of then Caretaker Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra .┬ For┬ footage of the commotion, and the┬ scuffles of that day,┬ check out┬ this 8 minute video.┬ At the time, I┬ posted my brief reaction to events on New Mandala and concluded┬ by writing: As the commentary in tonight’s TV coverage made clear,┬ this has now become a fight over the “meaning” of that democracy.┬ Everybody seems to have an┬ opinion on its limits and its potential. I have yet to hear anybody define “democracy” as fisticuffs in a downtown shopping mall.┬ ┬ Let’s all hope that today’s violence does not lead to further escalation.┬ ┬ […]
“Thou shalt not criticise dad”
To everyone concern,
I think you all made justifiable comments and I can accept that. I apologize to Pathiwat for my questioning of being “a good Thai” and I agree with Bystander and, especially nganadeeleg about HM in this comment:
“And don’t you think you are not a little hypocritical, as His Majesty himself said he should not be above criticism either?”
“-The King has said he would no longer take lese majeste charges seriously anymore – is it feasible to have the lese majeste laws taken off the books to stop them being used by politicians as a threat and smokescreen?”
We all have to balance our views together here. I admit that I love and admire the king greatly. But he is only human and we all know human have flaws, the king knows that too. But for criticizing a man who has helped Thai people through crisis after crisis, that is wrong. Some people wanted to paint him as a BAD king who wants absolute monarchy, that is not true. He doesn’t want that at all.
He is respected by most Thai who are loyal to this nation. Remember how much he has donated from his own pocket to help people in need? All the sacrifices he gave without being selfish, especially the tsunami crisis.
I care what people say about the king because he doesn’t deserve to be criticized so harsh. About his speech, I did read it. My English translation were quite close to what he said in his speech. Some part may be misleading because there are words and phrases that cannot be translated correctly in English. But may be we understood differently, I won’t argue about that. In conclusion, my friends, I do respect everyone’s opinions and I hope we will try to resolve our differences in all arguments on this subject or subjects related.
By the way, a few years back, in one of his speeches, the king did admit that some failed projects (he mentioned one in Prachuab Kiri Khan) were his fault entirely and that he was not perfect but people expected him to be perfect because he is the king. I haven’t been able to find that part of the speech and at the moment I am trying to trace all of his speeches in the last 10 years and read them, hopefully I can find that part and share it with you.
Global Thai
Hi so-what
Have a look at this first:
http://www.arnotts.com.au/products/TimTam.aspx
Then if you would like to put it all in to some context have a look here:
http://journal.media-culture.org.au/9811/timtam.php
Royal affiliation and cyber wristbands
NF, there is no reason we should be left out of this. I have the IT people here working on a “Betty and Phil forever” banner. It will be a big seller!
What about some political education for the elite?
[…] As I have written ealier, much of the ideological justification for Thailand’s coup rests on the view that Thaksin’s electoral mandate was illegitimate given that it was “bought” from a politically naive and unsophisticated rural electorate. The so-called pro-democracy movement of Sondhi Limthonkul makes much of the need to educate the rural masses before they can play a legitmate part in the electoral system. The elitist and undemocratic stereotype of rural ignorance is one that I am committed to challenge. […]
New Mandala in the press
[…] As I have written ealier, much of the ideological justification for Thailand’s coup rests on the view that Thaksin’s electoral mandate was illegitimate given that it was “bought” from a politically naive and unsophisticated rural electorate. The so-called pro-democracy movement of Sondhi Limthonkul makes much of the need to educate the rural masses before they can play a legitmate part in the electoral system. The elitist and undemocratic stereotype of rural ignorance is one that I am committed to challenge. […]
Counter-terrorist, pro-junta
[…] The Irrawaddy has a useful report by Clive Parker that covers the arguments of the UK Conservative Party MPs who have been agitating against the Burmese junta. This Irrawaddy coverage paints an interesting picture, particularly when read in light of yesterday’s and earlier New Mandala post on the topic of Western government “engagements” with the military regime. […]
Human rights in Burma
[…] The Irrawaddy has a useful summary by Clive Parker of the UK Conservative Party MPs who have been agitating against the Burmese junta. This coverage paints an interesting picture, particularly when read in light of yesterday’s and earlier New Mandala post on the topic of Western government “engagements” with the military regime. […]
Global Thai
Sorry, what do white fellas think when they see “tim tam?”
Have your say on “local electoral culture”
I’ve lived in urban and suburban locations for much of my adult life. Low/mid income townhouses and condos and apartments (rent 3-6k/month) in Ramkhamhaeng, Pakkred (in Nonthaburi province), Charansanitwong (in Thonburi), and Victory Monument. I’m not a true Bangkokian – I moved to Bangkok in 1992 from the South.
My family and most close family friends were Santi Asoke-Phalang Dharma supporters during the 1990s. After the PDP folded, we were left with only silly idiots to vote for – my family has since ticked “No Vote,” except in April 2006 when I voted TRT. The reason I abstained was because I heavily discounted party platforms – if the parties couldn’t select smart respectable people as their candidates, it didn’t matter how nice their central campaigns were. And for the second half of the 1990’s, no party had really substantial central campaigns. I voted TRT in April 2006 because I was sick and tired at the royalist anti-constitutional elitism of the PAD and felt that the TRT’s populism – even if it was flawed – needed a vote of confidence. Sondhi’s polarization tactics worked, but it pushed me to the Thaksin side, rather than the anti-Thaksin side.
The family remaining in the South lived in the markets (talaad) rather than the plantations. They usually supported the incumbent party, if and only if the incumbent kept rubber prices high. If rubber prices were low, they would vote for whatever party was the most outspoken opposition party. The votes or political views of the Southern relatives had no effect on the Bangkok branch of the family, even though the Bangkok branch technically owns part of the family’s modest rubber plantations.
Nobody in my immediate family (including the Southern relatives) has ever been approached, let alone been given money, to sell their vote. No neighbor I’ve ever known has ever been approached either. It’s a damn shame – I’ve always wanted to take the money and then report them for vote buying; really screw them. I’ve heard a lot about vote-buying, but all of it has been hearsay.
Have your say on “local electoral culture”
Well, my anecdotes are from the time when I lived there, which is before the 1997 constitution came into effect. In more recent times, it is still very doable to track down the ballot boxes. A friend of mine in fact jus did that in the annulled elections. She followed the ballot box transport convoy from her polling station to the district office where the vote was tallied. TI think it’s required by law that the box be opened one by one, and the vote counter have to show every ballot for all to see, and call the vote hence. If you have people keeping watch around the clock, it’s fairly straightforward to keep track of your return on investment.
Have your say on “local electoral culture”
Andrew, in the 2001, 2005, and April 2006 elections there was no way of knowing how effective village canvassers were at vote buying for any particular party. This was the whole point – to make vote buying more expensive and thus reduce vote buying.
It was one of the many innovations of the 1997 Constitution, and made it impossible to analyze village/district-level voting results, since the results were counted at a centralized location. As Section 6 of the Constitution noted, “р╣Гр╕Щр╣Бр╕Хр╣Ир╕ер╕░р╣Ар╕Вр╕Хр╣Ар╕ер╕╖р╕нр╕Бр╕Хр╕▒р╣Йр╕З р╣Гр╕лр╣Йр╕Фр╕│р╣Ар╕Щр╕┤р╕Щр╕Бр╕▓р╕гр╕Щр╕▒р╕Ър╕Др╕░р╣Бр╕Щр╕Щр╕Чр╕╕р╕Бр╕лр╕Щр╣Ир╕зр╕вр╣Ар╕ер╕╖р╕нр╕Бр╕Хр╕▒р╣Йр╕З р╕гр╕зр╕бр╕Бр╕▒р╕Щ р╣Бр╕ер╕░р╕Ыр╕гр╕░р╕Бр╕▓р╕ир╕Ьр╕ер╕Бр╕▓р╕гр╕Щр╕▒р╕Ър╕Др╕░р╣Бр╕Щр╕Щр╣Вр╕Фр╕вр╣Ар╕Ыр╕┤р╕Фр╣Ар╕Ьр╕в р╕Чр╕▒р╣Йр╕Зр╕Щр╕╡р╣Й р╕У р╕кр╕Цр╕▓р╕Щр╕Чр╕╡р╣Ир╣Бр╕лр╣Ир╕Зр╣Гр╕Фр╣Бр╕лр╣Ир╕Зр╕лр╕Щр╕╢р╣Ир╕З р╣Бр╕Хр╣Ир╣Ар╕Юр╕╡р╕вр╕Зр╣Бр╕лр╣Ир╕Зр╣Ар╕Фр╕╡р╕вр╕з р╣Гр╕Щр╣Ар╕Вр╕Хр╣Ар╕ер╕╖р╕нр╕Бр╕Хр╕▒р╣Йр╕Зр╕Щр╕▒р╣Йр╕Щ”
With this as well as other reforms (like the mandatory voting, the party list system, the EC, and using single-member electoral districts rather than multi-member districts), the 2001 elections became known as the cleanest in Thai history. Thailand’s military trashed more than the Thaksin government – they trashed the finest institutions of democracy that Thailand ever had.
Have your say on “local electoral culture”
Great, thanks. Just one question – with national votes now counted at electorate level how does anyone know how many votes the hua khanaen did (or did not) deliver?