This is about 2 years late, and I’m back on this page as it is nearing the date he passed away (October 10) and I just saw this kind message from you. Not sure if you will see this, but if you do, I’d really love to see any of his writings.
I’m so excited to read about the article written by You. I’m one of the child of Burma Match Company Accountant U Maung Maung Aye (U Aye). My Dad was keep in touched with owners of Burma Match Company from Switzerland Sweden. However my Dad passed away last 16 years and we also do not have any contact with them. I can assist you if you know more about Burma Match Company from my eldest Sister who are retired accountant also she’s still living in Mandalay.
Thank you. Sandar Aye (my email: [email protected])
If ever there is a genuine desire to really walk the talks of establishing a multi-ethnic state anchored in federal union, the Bamar political elite and Bamar-dominated military bloc will have to change the rule of election in Burma, or shall we say Myanmar.
We could set aside the comprehensive constitutional amendment of 2008 military-drafted one for the time being and just alter a little bit of electoral rule in the upcoming nationwide election of 2020.
Let us say, the Bamar-dominated parties like National League for Democracy (NLD) and Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), including the National Unity Party (NUP), the two latter being from the military bloc, could stay away from ethnic states election and let the ethnic political parties compete among themselves.
The said three parties like to position themselves as being national parties, cross-cutting ethnic lines. But this is actually not the case, as all ethnic nationalities see them as ethnic Bamar parties.
Besides, these all Bamar parties are financially and politically more advanced and at advantage, as the military bloc parties had been governing the country for more than five decades and the NLD with extensive party structure with the Bamar majority backing, are heavy weight in comparison to the ethnic political parties, which have little or no experience in party politics. Thus, the election in ethnic states will be lopsided and the non-Bamar ethnic minority groups will be at disadvantage.
Prior to the 1962 military coup, the non-Bamar ethnic political parties compete only among themselves and the Bamar political parties were not directly involved, but in rare case only through ideologically affiliated ethnic parties.
The NLD and USDP could refrain from entering election in ethnic states, so that the real non-Bamar ethnic representative parties can come up to represent their own kind in a democratic manner, including upholding minorities’ rights according to democratic principles.
And with a minor constitutional amendment of letting the ethnic states choosing their on state chief ministers, a meaningful move in the direction of federalism could be made. And from this, a further comprehensive constitutional amendment could be eventually be furthered.
And as said earlier, the NLD and USDP would need to stay away from ethnic states elections, if they are really keen to hold the multi-ethnic state upright and usher in a genuine federal union, in words and deeds.
But if they are obsessed with just gaining political powers at all cost, nothing much can be done to further the notion of federal union.
President Joko Widodo is better off to proceed with Redenomination of Rupiah. Erase three zeroes. Such move is putting Indonesia in a respectable position as a G-20 member.
Interestingly, during his first 5 years, Dec 2016, 11 redesigned Rupiah issued. 3, on paper, carry Papuan attributes: Tari Tifa, Frans Kaisiepo and Raja Ampat. Sadly, these seem not drawing the Papuans to really embrace NKRI.
Thailand desperately needs a major university to launch an investigation into the political psychology of what is happening in Thailand, as the 1970s are being revisited. Essential reading is: Komin, S. (1991). Psychology of the Thai people: Values and behavioral patterns. Bangkok: National Institute of Development Administration.
I have two caveats: 1) Muhammadiyah held a “special membership” status within Masyumi in 1945-1959 and, as it itself later claimed, it was only during that time that Muhammadiyah became “a structural part of a political party” [reference: the 1981 PP Muhammadiyah’s Elucidation to the Keputusan Muktamar ke-40]; and 2) during the early New Order era, Muhammadiyah together with some other Muslim organisations formed the Partai Muslimin Indonesia. I think these two cases count as Muhammadiyah’s direct engagement with practical politics.
It is certainly the case that many of the Muhammadiyah rank and file supported Prabowo. It is, however, important to keep in mind that officially Muhammadiyah has been non-political since it was founded more than a century ago. While individual members are free to participate in politics as they chose, as an organization Muhammadiyah does not endorse candidates.
What a wonderful recall of those early post-colonial days! In Jakarta in 1961 in my first year of language and cultural studies the small group of US and Australian academics decided to see how long it would take for a rumour to do the diplomatic rounds. They whispered of “major upheavals” at cabinet level at a Friday Sundowner at the old Australian Embassy. By Monday the rumour returned, in colourful detail, predicting the removal of a senior military leader. The irony was that a ‘major upheaval’ did eventuate; the Rupiah went through yet another devaluation.
I am trying to find information related to a Melbourne Bank robber who assisted the Shan state during the 70s. He known as the gentleman bandit who targeted TAB outlets. He was colourful individual who was an ex SAS soldier who helped train Shan soldiers funded by his robberies.
I found info on the net in the past but now I cant find reference anywhere.
Could you assist me please as it is a ripping yarn I would like to pursue. Regards and thanks. Doug Wroe
Lovely article on a neglected person in modern Vietnamese history. In fact, what’s generally missing in discussions of the First indochina War are discussions of non-communist anti-colonialists, ranging from Republicans like Nguyễn Văn Thinh and socialists (all sorts — like the journalist Thiếu Sơn or “social-democrats” like Nguyễn Văn Săm).
While Thinh’s government ultimately failed, his actions paved the way for more substantive French concessions by 1949.
I want to address the issue of the author being considered an “American” by the locals despite actually being a New Zealander.
As a Millennial-aged, urban-dwelling Filipino yuppie in his early 30s, I have noticed the tendency to equate white people with Americans has started to noticeably decline in the last few years – especially among Filipinos under the age of 40 that live in cities or in places where plenty of foreigners visit (like our major tourist destinations). And with each passing year I am hearing less and less “White = American” type of comments from people – now only hearing them from elderly people and/or those living in the really far-flung villages where foreigners hardly ever visit.
When I was a kid, people used to call a white person “Kano” (Tagalog term for “American”) regardless of the nationality the said person actually had – though it was quite accurate back then considering most of the white Westerners here were actually US citizens. Now people are increasingly using the word “puti” (which is the Tagalog term for “white”) nowadays when referring to a white person. It won’t be too long before that tendency will go the way of the word “querida” (an old Tagalog term for “mistress” that was popular until sometime in the 1990s, which became replaced by the word “kabit”).
I think it helps that besides the proliferation of the internet and mass travel, more and more Filipinos are beginning to meet and interact with different types of foreigners, and are starting to realize there is a bigger world out there than just the USA! Heck when I go out and meet people (Westerners included), I notice I am meeting more Europeans now than Americans here nowadays. It would be interesting to see how future generations of Filipinos will be affected by these more recent trends. 😀
Miguel,
thanks for this valuable response — points #1 and 2 clarified matters, and I’d like to endorse your addendum.
Some 35 years ago I quoted Hans-Georg Gadamer on what you are calling biases and frameworks, which he called “fore-judgements” but which sometimes get translated into “prejudices” in English. He wrote the “really critical question of hermeneutics [is] distinguishing the true prejudices, by which we understand, form the false ones by which we misunderstand.”
–being explicit about your framework is very helpful here. Good on you!
Thank you for your feedback, and apologies for only seeing this until now! Your questions and comment are entirely appropriate, and I agree with the latter especially – it was a constant caveat in my thesis, which was much more qualitative in approach. It was my fault for not making it clear here.
In response to the questions:
1) Looking back at this article’s data, I believe I declined to use “Islam” as a distinct category because it simply did not have enough instances of use – to include would render the category “tacked-on”, so to speak. I had intended for its omission to imply that the MILF’s online discourse was not as exclusively Islamist as one might expect. This point, however, was not explained too well in the article.
2) In regards to al-Ghannouchi and wasatiyyah – I considered these ideas as analytical lenses and reference points for understanding and framing my interpretation of MILF discourse. The MILF have not, to my knowledge, expressed explicit alignment with these ideas.
This brings my to my addendum to your comment, and the end of my lengthy response: I agree that there is a tremendous risk of the lens of the researcher overpowering the lens of the organisation being studied. However, I think that to be completely objective in studying discourse is nigh impossible – it should instead be a matter of navigating inevitable biases with openness and and with as much reference to primary material as possible (again, I should have been clearer with this when I wrote the article).
This motivated my choice of using al-Ghannouchi’s thought and ideas of wasatiyyah to frame my analysis. I much preferred to experiment with this theoretical framework, concordant with Islamic tradition(s), rather than the application of traditional Western political theory which, while undoubtedly useful, has already been done by other scholars more experienced than myself, and which presents only one possible angle of inquiry.
Bravo Cherian. I am heartened that your sane and well-informed voice continues to resonate in Singapore’s public space, even more from beyond it’s borders. This debate you and others are having about fake news may prove even more important than the legislation itself.
It will be very interesting to see how much electoral support he achieves in this election. Including in comparison to other PAN candidates. What nomor urut was he in the party list?
This analysis is almost correct, except the fact about General Charlermchai Sittisart. His position of Army Commander had been already designated before the passing of King Bhumiphol.
Thank you for your input Mark. I have read your work I really appreciate your reply.
Growing anti Shia sentiment is a very real concern and can absolutely be linked to Saudi influence in Indonesia. It is concerning. Along with the mainstreamimg of anti Shia sentiment and the skapegoating of anti shiism by prominent militant groups. It really is messy.
I’m not sure if Paul knows about this “new royal capital command.” It’s called หน่วยเฉพาะกิจทหารมหาดเล็กราชวัลลภรักษาพระองค์ / Royal’s Guard Task Force 904 (ฉก.ทม.รอ.904 / RGTF-904). Currently, ‘904’ is in its infancy statem they are growing up by recruiting and selecting manpower from other units in the army. After this period of time, ‘904’ will be a full unit, not just a task force. Then, in the future there will be “Six Tigers”, not just five anymore.
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A tribute to Nicholas Tapp
Hello Roger,
This is about 2 years late, and I’m back on this page as it is nearing the date he passed away (October 10) and I just saw this kind message from you. Not sure if you will see this, but if you do, I’d really love to see any of his writings.
Colonial Burma, history and phillumeny
I’m so excited to read about the article written by You. I’m one of the child of Burma Match Company Accountant U Maung Maung Aye (U Aye). My Dad was keep in touched with owners of Burma Match Company from Switzerland Sweden. However my Dad passed away last 16 years and we also do not have any contact with them. I can assist you if you know more about Burma Match Company from my eldest Sister who are retired accountant also she’s still living in Mandalay.
Thank you. Sandar Aye (my email: [email protected])
Twin authoritarianisms in Myanmar
If ever there is a genuine desire to really walk the talks of establishing a multi-ethnic state anchored in federal union, the Bamar political elite and Bamar-dominated military bloc will have to change the rule of election in Burma, or shall we say Myanmar.
We could set aside the comprehensive constitutional amendment of 2008 military-drafted one for the time being and just alter a little bit of electoral rule in the upcoming nationwide election of 2020.
Let us say, the Bamar-dominated parties like National League for Democracy (NLD) and Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), including the National Unity Party (NUP), the two latter being from the military bloc, could stay away from ethnic states election and let the ethnic political parties compete among themselves.
The said three parties like to position themselves as being national parties, cross-cutting ethnic lines. But this is actually not the case, as all ethnic nationalities see them as ethnic Bamar parties.
Besides, these all Bamar parties are financially and politically more advanced and at advantage, as the military bloc parties had been governing the country for more than five decades and the NLD with extensive party structure with the Bamar majority backing, are heavy weight in comparison to the ethnic political parties, which have little or no experience in party politics. Thus, the election in ethnic states will be lopsided and the non-Bamar ethnic minority groups will be at disadvantage.
Prior to the 1962 military coup, the non-Bamar ethnic political parties compete only among themselves and the Bamar political parties were not directly involved, but in rare case only through ideologically affiliated ethnic parties.
The NLD and USDP could refrain from entering election in ethnic states, so that the real non-Bamar ethnic representative parties can come up to represent their own kind in a democratic manner, including upholding minorities’ rights according to democratic principles.
And with a minor constitutional amendment of letting the ethnic states choosing their on state chief ministers, a meaningful move in the direction of federalism could be made. And from this, a further comprehensive constitutional amendment could be eventually be furthered.
And as said earlier, the NLD and USDP would need to stay away from ethnic states elections, if they are really keen to hold the multi-ethnic state upright and usher in a genuine federal union, in words and deeds.
But if they are obsessed with just gaining political powers at all cost, nothing much can be done to further the notion of federal union.
How Jokowi spends money better in a second term
President Joko Widodo is better off to proceed with Redenomination of Rupiah. Erase three zeroes. Such move is putting Indonesia in a respectable position as a G-20 member.
Interestingly, during his first 5 years, Dec 2016, 11 redesigned Rupiah issued. 3, on paper, carry Papuan attributes: Tari Tifa, Frans Kaisiepo and Raja Ampat. Sadly, these seem not drawing the Papuans to really embrace NKRI.
Buddhism and authority in Thailand in the long run
Thank you for that enlightening article. Much background infomation to digest!
Thai Civilized: what a minor party tells us about authoritarianism in Thailand
Thailand desperately needs a major university to launch an investigation into the political psychology of what is happening in Thailand, as the 1970s are being revisited. Essential reading is: Komin, S. (1991). Psychology of the Thai people: Values and behavioral patterns. Bangkok: National Institute of Development Administration.
NU after the elections: more nationalism, less democracy?
Hi Pak Mark,
I have two caveats: 1) Muhammadiyah held a “special membership” status within Masyumi in 1945-1959 and, as it itself later claimed, it was only during that time that Muhammadiyah became “a structural part of a political party” [reference: the 1981 PP Muhammadiyah’s Elucidation to the Keputusan Muktamar ke-40]; and 2) during the early New Order era, Muhammadiyah together with some other Muslim organisations formed the Partai Muslimin Indonesia. I think these two cases count as Muhammadiyah’s direct engagement with practical politics.
NU after the elections: more nationalism, less democracy?
It is certainly the case that many of the Muhammadiyah rank and file supported Prabowo. It is, however, important to keep in mind that officially Muhammadiyah has been non-political since it was founded more than a century ago. While individual members are free to participate in politics as they chose, as an organization Muhammadiyah does not endorse candidates.
Diplomatic intelligence
What a wonderful recall of those early post-colonial days! In Jakarta in 1961 in my first year of language and cultural studies the small group of US and Australian academics decided to see how long it would take for a rumour to do the diplomatic rounds. They whispered of “major upheavals” at cabinet level at a Friday Sundowner at the old Australian Embassy. By Monday the rumour returned, in colourful detail, predicting the removal of a senior military leader. The irony was that a ‘major upheaval’ did eventuate; the Rupiah went through yet another devaluation.
Ad Carabao with the Shan State Army
I am trying to find information related to a Melbourne Bank robber who assisted the Shan state during the 70s. He known as the gentleman bandit who targeted TAB outlets. He was colourful individual who was an ex SAS soldier who helped train Shan soldiers funded by his robberies.
I found info on the net in the past but now I cant find reference anywhere.
Could you assist me please as it is a ripping yarn I would like to pursue. Regards and thanks. Doug Wroe
Saigon’s hidden presidential palace and forgotten president: the Republic of Cochinchina and Nguyễn Văn Thinh
Lovely article on a neglected person in modern Vietnamese history. In fact, what’s generally missing in discussions of the First indochina War are discussions of non-communist anti-colonialists, ranging from Republicans like Nguyễn Văn Thinh and socialists (all sorts — like the journalist Thiếu Sơn or “social-democrats” like Nguyễn Văn Săm).
While Thinh’s government ultimately failed, his actions paved the way for more substantive French concessions by 1949.
Philippines beyond clichés series 1 #4: America and development
I want to address the issue of the author being considered an “American” by the locals despite actually being a New Zealander.
As a Millennial-aged, urban-dwelling Filipino yuppie in his early 30s, I have noticed the tendency to equate white people with Americans has started to noticeably decline in the last few years – especially among Filipinos under the age of 40 that live in cities or in places where plenty of foreigners visit (like our major tourist destinations). And with each passing year I am hearing less and less “White = American” type of comments from people – now only hearing them from elderly people and/or those living in the really far-flung villages where foreigners hardly ever visit.
When I was a kid, people used to call a white person “Kano” (Tagalog term for “American”) regardless of the nationality the said person actually had – though it was quite accurate back then considering most of the white Westerners here were actually US citizens. Now people are increasingly using the word “puti” (which is the Tagalog term for “white”) nowadays when referring to a white person. It won’t be too long before that tendency will go the way of the word “querida” (an old Tagalog term for “mistress” that was popular until sometime in the 1990s, which became replaced by the word “kabit”).
I think it helps that besides the proliferation of the internet and mass travel, more and more Filipinos are beginning to meet and interact with different types of foreigners, and are starting to realize there is a bigger world out there than just the USA! Heck when I go out and meet people (Westerners included), I notice I am meeting more Europeans now than Americans here nowadays. It would be interesting to see how future generations of Filipinos will be affected by these more recent trends. 😀
Enjoining moderation: the online self-presentations of the MILF [Part II]
Miguel,
thanks for this valuable response — points #1 and 2 clarified matters, and I’d like to endorse your addendum.
Some 35 years ago I quoted Hans-Georg Gadamer on what you are calling biases and frameworks, which he called “fore-judgements” but which sometimes get translated into “prejudices” in English. He wrote the “really critical question of hermeneutics [is] distinguishing the true prejudices, by which we understand, form the false ones by which we misunderstand.”
–being explicit about your framework is very helpful here. Good on you!
Enjoining moderation: the online self-presentations of the MILF [Part II]
Hi Dr Rood,
Thank you for your feedback, and apologies for only seeing this until now! Your questions and comment are entirely appropriate, and I agree with the latter especially – it was a constant caveat in my thesis, which was much more qualitative in approach. It was my fault for not making it clear here.
In response to the questions:
1) Looking back at this article’s data, I believe I declined to use “Islam” as a distinct category because it simply did not have enough instances of use – to include would render the category “tacked-on”, so to speak. I had intended for its omission to imply that the MILF’s online discourse was not as exclusively Islamist as one might expect. This point, however, was not explained too well in the article.
2) In regards to al-Ghannouchi and wasatiyyah – I considered these ideas as analytical lenses and reference points for understanding and framing my interpretation of MILF discourse. The MILF have not, to my knowledge, expressed explicit alignment with these ideas.
This brings my to my addendum to your comment, and the end of my lengthy response: I agree that there is a tremendous risk of the lens of the researcher overpowering the lens of the organisation being studied. However, I think that to be completely objective in studying discourse is nigh impossible – it should instead be a matter of navigating inevitable biases with openness and and with as much reference to primary material as possible (again, I should have been clearer with this when I wrote the article).
This motivated my choice of using al-Ghannouchi’s thought and ideas of wasatiyyah to frame my analysis. I much preferred to experiment with this theoretical framework, concordant with Islamic tradition(s), rather than the application of traditional Western political theory which, while undoubtedly useful, has already been done by other scholars more experienced than myself, and which presents only one possible angle of inquiry.
Many thanks,
M
Singapore’s online falsehoods bill will deepen a culture of self-censorship
Bravo Cherian. I am heartened that your sane and well-informed voice continues to resonate in Singapore’s public space, even more from beyond it’s borders. This debate you and others are having about fake news may prove even more important than the legislation itself.
Standing for parliament, and against mining in Kalimantan
It will be very interesting to see how much electoral support he achieves in this election. Including in comparison to other PAN candidates. What nomor urut was he in the party list?
Pheu Thai won the Facebook Election in Thailand
Would be interesting to see a network graph plotted between parties, which ones are aligned supported wise, which ones are complete distant.
What if Thailand’s junta can’t control the military?
This analysis is almost correct, except the fact about General Charlermchai Sittisart. His position of Army Commander had been already designated before the passing of King Bhumiphol.
Challenges to Countering Violent Extremism in Indonesia
Thank you for your input Mark. I have read your work I really appreciate your reply.
Growing anti Shia sentiment is a very real concern and can absolutely be linked to Saudi influence in Indonesia. It is concerning. Along with the mainstreamimg of anti Shia sentiment and the skapegoating of anti shiism by prominent militant groups. It really is messy.
What if Thailand’s junta can’t control the military?
I’m not sure if Paul knows about this “new royal capital command.” It’s called หน่วยเฉพาะกิจทหารมหาดเล็กราชวัลลภรักษาพระองค์ / Royal’s Guard Task Force 904 (ฉก.ทม.รอ.904 / RGTF-904). Currently, ‘904’ is in its infancy statem they are growing up by recruiting and selecting manpower from other units in the army. After this period of time, ‘904’ will be a full unit, not just a task force. Then, in the future there will be “Six Tigers”, not just five anymore.