[…] This post was mentioned on Twitter by FamilyLately, New Mandala. New Mandala said: Family problems in the Lao PDR: Martin-Stuart Fox has written a fascinating analysis of the recent leadership ch… http://bit.ly/fA6e42 […]
In the wake of the official ban of Ajarn Ji’s new book, we were fortunate to interview FACT signer Prudence Leith, OBE, CBE, celebrity chef and Rayne Kruger’s widow.
Rayne Kruger essentially blundered into lèse majesté territory.
Prue’s story adds some fascinating anecdotes and some tantalising suggestions.
As to the identity of the mystery Royal, we do not wish to see her revealed in print, even after all these years, but are curious if she is still alive. Ajarn Somsak?
Yes, Sombat never held any sway over the more hardcore Red Shirts. Also in the coup era, as soon as the more organized PTV protests began, he was not part of the leadership group anymore.
Sombat has only been in the “front” when there was no organization, and functioned as a focal point then, in the early anti coup era, and also recently right after the dispersal with his Red Sunday activities.
Nevertheless, in different levels many of his original ideas have been very influential taken over by many groups, such as in the coup era being the first that has used red as an identification color, or his “hen khon dai” acts.
His form of protest is intellectual and uses very advanced protest strategies (flashmobs, etc, where a small amount of protesters can draw a lot of media attention), drawing more of the politically liberal-left leaning or neutral educated middle classes than grass roots or hardcore groups (under whom he is quite controversial). Within these educated middle classes, especially the younger generations, that support the Red Shirt causes, Sombat is extremely effective though. There are many people here that do have sympathies with the Red Shirts and their demands, but are hesitant to be part of mass protests, and/or reject Thaksin, but can identify with Sombat’s political views and protest strategies.
From the perspective of the mass movement, Sombat is a fringe figure, always doing his own thing, but he should be neither dismissed nor underestimated. He is widening the political space here in Thailand more effectively than many better known leaders.
What I find the most interesting about this video is the very beginning, when Chinese-Lao relations are discussed. The video states that official diplomatic relations between the two countries were established on April 25, 1961, and that those relations have expanded and have been secure ever since. There is no mention of the period when the two countries were close to war, from 1979 to the late 1980s, and large number of Chinese troops were massed along the Lao border. At least between 1979 and 1986 the Chinese government was also training and arming Lao dissidents fighting to topple the Lao government. It appears that both the Chinese and the Lao are trying erase that unpleasant chapter of the past from the history of relations between the two countries.
Nick, thanks, yes as you say, he was of course involved earlier but I was thinking of his repositioning later in the piece after he resigned from the Mirror Foundation. I interviewed him the past week. It is interesting that if you talk with more hard core red groups (which I have been doing), Sombat is not regarded as a “serious” central player, though as he says, this is not his intention: it is simply to increase awareness of democracy issues. As a facilitator, he does not like the frontline. He, like many from the “no-coup”/”24 June…”, etc. are also now softening positions on Thaksin, seeing realities coming clearer now and listening more to the passion and the understanding of democracy at the grassroots since Thaksin “taa sawaang”/Awakened the people to the possibilities of social, economic and political inclusion at the grassroots.
Corruption is endemic in Malaysia and has been for a long time. The difference between now and 25 years ago is the scale. Used to be, someone in position to “offer” a contract will ask for a “finder’s fee” of about 10% or less. Now it can get up pass 100% – just “mark it up”, then get some good finance guy to fiddle with the accounts.
Money earned is partially re-circulated in the local economy, but a large proportion of it goes overseas. Meanwhile, wages stagnate, civil service bloat – on poor wages – and everyone with a uniform or badge engage in extortionist practice.
Sombat’s group has already by that time done quite a lot of campaigning against the referendum with his group clad in Red. Here ia an article that appeared in the Bangkok Post on August 12, 2007:
————————————————————–
RAISING A RED FLAG
Anti-charter leader Sombat Boonngamanong believes that participation by the people, no matter how difficult at the present time, is the only way to influence the fate of democracy in Thailand
TUNYA SUKPANICH
Sombat Boonngamanong is busy these days with his “Red Say No” campaign, which urges people to vote no to the 2007 draft constitution in the national referendum scheduled on August 19.
Besides staging demonstrations in public places, at meetings and panel discussion forums, the group, wearing their trademark red T-shirts and holding red placards, recently dared to crash a government-sponsored festival to promote the draft.
“We just wanted to make the meeting more lively and colourful,” he said joyfully. With a background in theatre, Sombat can always be be counted on to make things more interesting.
It is that trait that caused Deputy Chairman of the Council for National Security Gen Saprang Kalayanamit to sue him for defamation. Sombat made a dart game for the people at anti coup rallies at Sanam Luang. Gen Saprang’s face adorns one of the targets.
“I love creating and designing campaigns to gain public attention and participation,” said Sombat, known to his friends as Noo Ring.
Sombat explained the emphasis on the colour red: “Each colour has its own meaning and feeling. We prefer red because it gives a feeling of power. Besides, it attracts the public’s attention when they walk the streets.”
The group considers the referendum process unfair because the martial law continues in 35 provinces, and this prevents people from learning about the draft charter before they make their decision. All in all, Sombat’s group feels the process in place for the national referendum is very incomplete for something so important, and the Red Say No campaign is necessary to give the public the other side of the story on the draft charter.
Sombat in Chiang Rai urging people to vote “no” to the referendum. He was arrested shortly after this picture was taken.
The big campaigns are on Saturdays at Sanam Luang, with smaller gatherings at other public places. The campaign will continue until the day before the referendum.
“We are thinking of holding a big Red Say No campaign on Saturday August 18,” said Sombat.
Having long worked with various NGOs, Sombat said that the September 19 coup has caused a wide rift among them. “There are those who can accept the coup, those who directly open the door for the coup makers, and those against the coup. I know that many of my NGO friends are disappointed with me. But I feel disappointed with certain of them as well, especially those who have become members of the military-appointed National Legislative Assembly,” he said.
His continuous protest against the 19 September coup and later participation in the United Front of Democracy Against Dictatorship (UDD) have caused some to doubt his motives.
Sombat has been accused, especially by people in the NGO community, of trying to capitalise on the current situation to pave his way into politics in the future, something he totally denies.
Dr Weng Tojirakarn, who leads the Democracy Confederation, proposed to him that he be one of the group leaders, but Sombat turned him down.
“I will become neither a politician in the parliament nor work with other political groups, such as the Democracy Confederation or the Campaign for Popular Democracy,” said Sombat, adding that he wants to continue to focus on human rights issues. At one time he was on a working team of the Senate Commission on Human Rights and Welfare Issues.
“I have no ambitions at all to become a senator or representative,” he reiterated.
Not surprisingly, Sombat was active in the movement against the coup of 1991, although not nearly as outspoken as he is now. This time, Sombat, along with a few friends, reacted against the coup the very next day, challenging the military by staging quiet protests in several public places.
Moreover, his September 19 anti coup group initiated a website which states not only their objectives and activities, but also their names, their working places and cell phone numbers.
“We want to fight against the coup out in the open. We have nothing to hide,” he says.
It was only later that his grouped joined hands with the UDD, which has been accused of being under the wing of ousted Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra.
While utilising a dao krajai (splitting into small groups) strategy, Sombat was arrested by the military in Chiang Rai province. He was released after interrogation.
In the past, he spent his time working with NGOs, focusing on the welfare of the people and voluntarily teaching or assisting minority communities with legal issues, tackling the many problems and obstacles in Thai society. While he says it is tiresome work, he finds it much less worrying than the issues he’s engaged in now, as there is nearly always a light at the end of the tunnel.
He admits that during his past three months of coup protest, he has worried what will happen to people in the movement, and to the fate of Thai democracy.
“We are fighting against the coup makers – at the same time we have to fight for understanding from the public. It is difficult under the present circumstances,” he explained.
Even though he has worked with politicians in the UDD during the protest, Sombat feels he has to keep a distance between them.
“It is not that I dislike them, but because we have different roles.”
At the present time, he said, many veteran activists are planning to set up political parties. While agreeing that it is possible for activists or NGOs to enter the public arena – for example to become elected as senators – and keep their independence, he said that once his duty to oppose the coup ends, he will definitely go back to “where he belongs”, to his NGO work. He believes it is essential to work directly with the people.
No limitations
Sombat’s first work with an NGO was with the Makham Pom Play Group, a group which organised mobile plays and performances for the young to learn about various social issues. Three years later he established and become director of the Mirror Foundation, a position he still holds.
“Many NGOs work under the belief that small is beautiful. Meanwhile, certain groups limit their works in the community by thinking that every answer lies in the village. I disagree with both ways of thinking,” he said.
Sombat explained that worldwide NGO networks have grown up quickly and work with high efficiency.
“I do not take Thai NGOs as a model. I do not set a ceiling or limitations.”
He believes that a civic movement can be built by providing an efficient source of manpower with social consciousness, and also that a variety of tools are needed to serve different circumstances and bring about change.
Technology, especially electronic media, has been been fully employed in his work.
Six years ago, under his initiative, the Bannok.com website and Bannok Community Television were set up (bannok means rural in Thai). The television project won an award for its innovative applications in social service from the World Bank.
“In the old days, electronic technology was considered a tool of capitalism. Some NGOs refused to use it, and even criticised those who did. I remember when I was criticised greatly when I told certain NGOs to use mobile phones or computers,” he said. He remarked that electronic mail had become an important part of his life and work wherever he is.
He has a notebook computer, two mobile phones and a digital camera with him at all times, even during the rallies. He explains this enables him to contact anyone, any place,anytime, while also allowing for him to research information from worldwide sources.
In the year 2004, he set up the Tsunami Volunteer Centre.
“When the tsunami hit the southern provinces along the Andaman sea, I just went down there as a volunteer. I stayed helping the victims for almost a year,” he said. His management expertise enabled the centre, staffed entirely with volunteers, to work efficiently at helping those affected. Sombat set up the volunteer network center with support from the Thai Health Promotion Foundation.
In any crisis, he noted, volunteers become an essential part of rescue and recovery operations, as well as rehabilitation works. With the increasing occurrence of floods, landslides, and storms, a proper volunteer system needs to be established throughout the country, he believes.
When asked how he can handle so many organisations and projects at one time, he said it’s teamwork that counts.
“At the start of the work, I am in front providing direction. Then I will be on the same line working together with the team, and finally I will be behind them and giving advice if they want,” he explained.
Another important point, he said, is that for each project he always sets up a new team.
“I will not ask people working with other projects of the Mirror Foundation to join. I will set up new team made up of people who are there, in the affected area, or who are most interested.
“Like the Red Say No campaign – those who join are those who come to the Sanam Luang rallies. Why? Because they continuously joined in the protest with the similar thinking that the draft charter is not acceptable. They should be able to become a part of our (Red Say No) activities.”
After almost a year of hard work against the coup and the draft charter, with still no idea what the result will be, Sombat said that whatever the outcome he will never feel that his time has been wasted. At the very least, he says, the people who join the rallies at Sanam Luang have gained a knowledge and awareness about democracy.
BioDATA
Sombat Boonngamanong was born in 1968 in Bangkok. Following conflicts with the school headmaster, he did not finish high school. He joined the Makham Pom Play group in 1988, and has taught mime performance at Silapakorn University.
In 1991, he established the Mirror Foundation, a nongovernmental organisation which works to address social problems. Current projects involve ant-human trafficking efforts and a campaign to get child beggars off the streets.
He has been honoured as an outstanding social worker by the National Council of Child and Youth Development.
In 1999 he was selected as an Ashoka Fellow by the Ashoka Foundation, an international organisation supporting social work worldwide.
Sombat is married and has a nine-year-old daughter.
This choice of color seemed to be directed against the yellow-clad people, whose main symbol was a traffic light with a big green light. From this, the red light seemed to follow logically. The anti-referendum brochures were also in red. However, this might well be a different strand of using the color red, independently from the various groups that would together be viewed as the “Reds.”
I am actually a little surprised by the anger and disgust my fellow Malaysian emigrants feel about their country of birth. As someone who has adopted UK as his home for almost 20 years, I have always felt that my decision to live and work in the UK is related to personal and professional reasons. I understand that Malaysia is not a developed nation, and that all developed nations today had gone through a difficulty path to achieve developed status.
My view of Malaysia, overall, has always been relatively positive. I never take for granted what many in war-torn, poverty-laden developing countries would consider a decent country in which to live. For instance, we can expect to have clean drinking water, reliable electricity supply and modern public transport infrastructure.
I have some friends who have moved back to Malaysia in recent years after decades of living in the UK. They feel very positive about what Malaysia today has to offer. They understand that the irritating aspects of daily lives in Malaysia are ‘part of the package’ that comes with their decision to return. They, too, feel that being able to contribute or ‘give back’ to their country of birth has been an important reason for their decision to return.
Thank you for such an interesting piece of research on what I think is truly a contemporary and politically significant issue. This research will, hopefully, form a foundation on which more of such research studies could build upon.
[…] Since 2008, when the last Malaysian vote saw the Barisan Nasional government lose its two-third majority – which for 53 years had allowed a ruling coalition to rewrite the Constitution at will – Malaysians from Australia to England and elsewhere have been agitating for their right to become absent voters (read here) […]
This man, Surachai, has an incredible courage and persistence. With only limited formal education, how he had transformed himself into a vivid socio-political thinker and a confident speaker is beyond my understanding.
Although not without the downside, his determination and fearless mind will certainly add significant strength and senses of hope to many ‘Red’ fighters around the country.
It has been rumoured that Kim jong-il discussed Thailand with Madeline Albright when she visited Pyongyang during the Clinton administration. Bradley K. Martin makes mention of this at the end of his book on the DPRK, and actually makes an open suggestion to Kim Jong-il regarding succession issues with direct reference to Thailand.
well, it is really completely absurd to make any parallels at all about North Korea and Thailand….after all North Korea is 100 percent dominated by a vast and ubiquitous Cult of Personality with government-sponsored posters of the Dear Leader all over the place, adoring tv shows about the Dear Leader playing on every channel, endless public ceremonies celebrating the undying love, respect and devotion of the North Korean people to the Dear Leader, etc. whereas Thailand is a “Transparent” and “Rule of Law Democracy” with freely elected leaders and no need for any Cults of Personality in order to maintain an oppressive government’s control……..
I essentially agree with Steve on the fallacy/heresy point. It’s hard to get away from the view that these words contain value judgements. And regarding heresy, a lot depends on what is considered orthodox. Yes, technically the buddhavacana is the most authoritative category of text. But we know that the commentaries and various post-canonical texts (including the Nidaanakathaa) assumed a very high level of authority which, in some cases, came to surpass the canon itself in terms of use and role within Buddhist tradition – a prime example being the Visuddhimagga. Of course nowadays (and for a century or so), various modern Buddhist traditions assert exclusively the importance of the canon. But it was far from always like that and Mr Mazard risks being pigeon-holed as a scholarly proponent of that type of movement if he uses the word heresy in this way. What’s wrong with the more neutral word ‘inconsistency’? Then I presume everyone will be happy.
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Family problems in the Lao PDR
[…] This post was mentioned on Twitter by FamilyLately, New Mandala. New Mandala said: Family problems in the Lao PDR: Martin-Stuart Fox has written a fascinating analysis of the recent leadership ch… http://bit.ly/fA6e42 […]
Promotional video of Laos-China railway
Observer #1 :
Perhaps nobody mentions it because the fact is such “dissidents” had even less success than the CIA-backed Hmong.
Family problems in the Lao PDR
This increased – very professional – focus on Lao here @NM is great.
Thanks very much, Andrew and Nicholas.
The Devil’s Discus – in Thai
In the wake of the official ban of Ajarn Ji’s new book, we were fortunate to interview FACT signer Prudence Leith, OBE, CBE, celebrity chef and Rayne Kruger’s widow.
Rayne Kruger essentially blundered into lèse majesté territory.
Prue’s story adds some fascinating anecdotes and some tantalising suggestions.
http://facthai.wordpress.com/2011/01/21/factexclusive-…devil’s-discus/
As to the identity of the mystery Royal, we do not wish to see her revealed in print, even after all these years, but are curious if she is still alive. Ajarn Somsak?
Legitimacy crisis in Thailand
“Jim Taylor”
Yes, Sombat never held any sway over the more hardcore Red Shirts. Also in the coup era, as soon as the more organized PTV protests began, he was not part of the leadership group anymore.
Sombat has only been in the “front” when there was no organization, and functioned as a focal point then, in the early anti coup era, and also recently right after the dispersal with his Red Sunday activities.
Nevertheless, in different levels many of his original ideas have been very influential taken over by many groups, such as in the coup era being the first that has used red as an identification color, or his “hen khon dai” acts.
His form of protest is intellectual and uses very advanced protest strategies (flashmobs, etc, where a small amount of protesters can draw a lot of media attention), drawing more of the politically liberal-left leaning or neutral educated middle classes than grass roots or hardcore groups (under whom he is quite controversial). Within these educated middle classes, especially the younger generations, that support the Red Shirt causes, Sombat is extremely effective though. There are many people here that do have sympathies with the Red Shirts and their demands, but are hesitant to be part of mass protests, and/or reject Thaksin, but can identify with Sombat’s political views and protest strategies.
From the perspective of the mass movement, Sombat is a fringe figure, always doing his own thing, but he should be neither dismissed nor underestimated. He is widening the political space here in Thailand more effectively than many better known leaders.
New PM in Laos
Some of you may be interested in Martin Stuart-Fox’s take Bouasone’s resignation. See it at:
http://inside.org.au/family-problems/
Promotional video of Laos-China railway
What I find the most interesting about this video is the very beginning, when Chinese-Lao relations are discussed. The video states that official diplomatic relations between the two countries were established on April 25, 1961, and that those relations have expanded and have been secure ever since. There is no mention of the period when the two countries were close to war, from 1979 to the late 1980s, and large number of Chinese troops were massed along the Lao border. At least between 1979 and 1986 the Chinese government was also training and arming Lao dissidents fighting to topple the Lao government. It appears that both the Chinese and the Lao are trying erase that unpleasant chapter of the past from the history of relations between the two countries.
Legitimacy crisis in Thailand
Nick, thanks, yes as you say, he was of course involved earlier but I was thinking of his repositioning later in the piece after he resigned from the Mirror Foundation. I interviewed him the past week. It is interesting that if you talk with more hard core red groups (which I have been doing), Sombat is not regarded as a “serious” central player, though as he says, this is not his intention: it is simply to increase awareness of democracy issues. As a facilitator, he does not like the frontline. He, like many from the “no-coup”/”24 June…”, etc. are also now softening positions on Thaksin, seeing realities coming clearer now and listening more to the passion and the understanding of democracy at the grassroots since Thaksin “taa sawaang”/Awakened the people to the possibilities of social, economic and political inclusion at the grassroots.
How corrupt can Malaysia get?
Corruption is endemic in Malaysia and has been for a long time. The difference between now and 25 years ago is the scale. Used to be, someone in position to “offer” a contract will ask for a “finder’s fee” of about 10% or less. Now it can get up pass 100% – just “mark it up”, then get some good finance guy to fiddle with the accounts.
Money earned is partially re-circulated in the local economy, but a large proportion of it goes overseas. Meanwhile, wages stagnate, civil service bloat – on poor wages – and everyone with a uniform or badge engage in extortionist practice.
Legitimacy crisis in Thailand
“Michael H. Nelson”
Sombat’s group has already by that time done quite a lot of campaigning against the referendum with his group clad in Red. Here ia an article that appeared in the Bangkok Post on August 12, 2007:
————————————————————–
RAISING A RED FLAG
Anti-charter leader Sombat Boonngamanong believes that participation by the people, no matter how difficult at the present time, is the only way to influence the fate of democracy in Thailand
TUNYA SUKPANICH
Sombat Boonngamanong is busy these days with his “Red Say No” campaign, which urges people to vote no to the 2007 draft constitution in the national referendum scheduled on August 19.
Besides staging demonstrations in public places, at meetings and panel discussion forums, the group, wearing their trademark red T-shirts and holding red placards, recently dared to crash a government-sponsored festival to promote the draft.
“We just wanted to make the meeting more lively and colourful,” he said joyfully. With a background in theatre, Sombat can always be be counted on to make things more interesting.
It is that trait that caused Deputy Chairman of the Council for National Security Gen Saprang Kalayanamit to sue him for defamation. Sombat made a dart game for the people at anti coup rallies at Sanam Luang. Gen Saprang’s face adorns one of the targets.
“I love creating and designing campaigns to gain public attention and participation,” said Sombat, known to his friends as Noo Ring.
Sombat explained the emphasis on the colour red: “Each colour has its own meaning and feeling. We prefer red because it gives a feeling of power. Besides, it attracts the public’s attention when they walk the streets.”
The group considers the referendum process unfair because the martial law continues in 35 provinces, and this prevents people from learning about the draft charter before they make their decision. All in all, Sombat’s group feels the process in place for the national referendum is very incomplete for something so important, and the Red Say No campaign is necessary to give the public the other side of the story on the draft charter.
Sombat in Chiang Rai urging people to vote “no” to the referendum. He was arrested shortly after this picture was taken.
The big campaigns are on Saturdays at Sanam Luang, with smaller gatherings at other public places. The campaign will continue until the day before the referendum.
“We are thinking of holding a big Red Say No campaign on Saturday August 18,” said Sombat.
Having long worked with various NGOs, Sombat said that the September 19 coup has caused a wide rift among them. “There are those who can accept the coup, those who directly open the door for the coup makers, and those against the coup. I know that many of my NGO friends are disappointed with me. But I feel disappointed with certain of them as well, especially those who have become members of the military-appointed National Legislative Assembly,” he said.
His continuous protest against the 19 September coup and later participation in the United Front of Democracy Against Dictatorship (UDD) have caused some to doubt his motives.
Sombat has been accused, especially by people in the NGO community, of trying to capitalise on the current situation to pave his way into politics in the future, something he totally denies.
Dr Weng Tojirakarn, who leads the Democracy Confederation, proposed to him that he be one of the group leaders, but Sombat turned him down.
“I will become neither a politician in the parliament nor work with other political groups, such as the Democracy Confederation or the Campaign for Popular Democracy,” said Sombat, adding that he wants to continue to focus on human rights issues. At one time he was on a working team of the Senate Commission on Human Rights and Welfare Issues.
“I have no ambitions at all to become a senator or representative,” he reiterated.
Not surprisingly, Sombat was active in the movement against the coup of 1991, although not nearly as outspoken as he is now. This time, Sombat, along with a few friends, reacted against the coup the very next day, challenging the military by staging quiet protests in several public places.
Moreover, his September 19 anti coup group initiated a website which states not only their objectives and activities, but also their names, their working places and cell phone numbers.
“We want to fight against the coup out in the open. We have nothing to hide,” he says.
It was only later that his grouped joined hands with the UDD, which has been accused of being under the wing of ousted Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra.
While utilising a dao krajai (splitting into small groups) strategy, Sombat was arrested by the military in Chiang Rai province. He was released after interrogation.
In the past, he spent his time working with NGOs, focusing on the welfare of the people and voluntarily teaching or assisting minority communities with legal issues, tackling the many problems and obstacles in Thai society. While he says it is tiresome work, he finds it much less worrying than the issues he’s engaged in now, as there is nearly always a light at the end of the tunnel.
He admits that during his past three months of coup protest, he has worried what will happen to people in the movement, and to the fate of Thai democracy.
“We are fighting against the coup makers – at the same time we have to fight for understanding from the public. It is difficult under the present circumstances,” he explained.
Even though he has worked with politicians in the UDD during the protest, Sombat feels he has to keep a distance between them.
“It is not that I dislike them, but because we have different roles.”
At the present time, he said, many veteran activists are planning to set up political parties. While agreeing that it is possible for activists or NGOs to enter the public arena – for example to become elected as senators – and keep their independence, he said that once his duty to oppose the coup ends, he will definitely go back to “where he belongs”, to his NGO work. He believes it is essential to work directly with the people.
No limitations
Sombat’s first work with an NGO was with the Makham Pom Play Group, a group which organised mobile plays and performances for the young to learn about various social issues. Three years later he established and become director of the Mirror Foundation, a position he still holds.
“Many NGOs work under the belief that small is beautiful. Meanwhile, certain groups limit their works in the community by thinking that every answer lies in the village. I disagree with both ways of thinking,” he said.
Sombat explained that worldwide NGO networks have grown up quickly and work with high efficiency.
“I do not take Thai NGOs as a model. I do not set a ceiling or limitations.”
He believes that a civic movement can be built by providing an efficient source of manpower with social consciousness, and also that a variety of tools are needed to serve different circumstances and bring about change.
Technology, especially electronic media, has been been fully employed in his work.
Six years ago, under his initiative, the Bannok.com website and Bannok Community Television were set up (bannok means rural in Thai). The television project won an award for its innovative applications in social service from the World Bank.
“In the old days, electronic technology was considered a tool of capitalism. Some NGOs refused to use it, and even criticised those who did. I remember when I was criticised greatly when I told certain NGOs to use mobile phones or computers,” he said. He remarked that electronic mail had become an important part of his life and work wherever he is.
He has a notebook computer, two mobile phones and a digital camera with him at all times, even during the rallies. He explains this enables him to contact anyone, any place,anytime, while also allowing for him to research information from worldwide sources.
In the year 2004, he set up the Tsunami Volunteer Centre.
“When the tsunami hit the southern provinces along the Andaman sea, I just went down there as a volunteer. I stayed helping the victims for almost a year,” he said. His management expertise enabled the centre, staffed entirely with volunteers, to work efficiently at helping those affected. Sombat set up the volunteer network center with support from the Thai Health Promotion Foundation.
In any crisis, he noted, volunteers become an essential part of rescue and recovery operations, as well as rehabilitation works. With the increasing occurrence of floods, landslides, and storms, a proper volunteer system needs to be established throughout the country, he believes.
When asked how he can handle so many organisations and projects at one time, he said it’s teamwork that counts.
“At the start of the work, I am in front providing direction. Then I will be on the same line working together with the team, and finally I will be behind them and giving advice if they want,” he explained.
Another important point, he said, is that for each project he always sets up a new team.
“I will not ask people working with other projects of the Mirror Foundation to join. I will set up new team made up of people who are there, in the affected area, or who are most interested.
“Like the Red Say No campaign – those who join are those who come to the Sanam Luang rallies. Why? Because they continuously joined in the protest with the similar thinking that the draft charter is not acceptable. They should be able to become a part of our (Red Say No) activities.”
After almost a year of hard work against the coup and the draft charter, with still no idea what the result will be, Sombat said that whatever the outcome he will never feel that his time has been wasted. At the very least, he says, the people who join the rallies at Sanam Luang have gained a knowledge and awareness about democracy.
BioDATA
Sombat Boonngamanong was born in 1968 in Bangkok. Following conflicts with the school headmaster, he did not finish high school. He joined the Makham Pom Play group in 1988, and has taught mime performance at Silapakorn University.
In 1991, he established the Mirror Foundation, a nongovernmental organisation which works to address social problems. Current projects involve ant-human trafficking efforts and a campaign to get child beggars off the streets.
He has been honoured as an outstanding social worker by the National Council of Child and Youth Development.
In 1999 he was selected as an Ashoka Fellow by the Ashoka Foundation, an international organisation supporting social work worldwide.
Sombat is married and has a nine-year-old daughter.
Class war in Malaysia – Going the Thai way?
[…] http://www.newmandala.org/2011/01/12/class-war-in-malaysia-2/ […]
Class war in Malaysia – Going the Thai way?
Hm, if I do the math:
In 1980 income was
middle class: 30% of high class
lower class: 11% of high class
In 2008 income was
middle class: 36% of high class
lower class: 14% of high class
So both middle and lower class income increased.
Legitimacy crisis in Thailand
For red-clad protesters (a day before the constitional referendum), mobilized by the local PPP MPs, see the pictures at
http://www.newmandala.org/2007/08/19/more-noise-in-chachoengsao/
This choice of color seemed to be directed against the yellow-clad people, whose main symbol was a traffic light with a big green light. From this, the red light seemed to follow logically. The anti-referendum brochures were also in red. However, this might well be a different strand of using the color red, independently from the various groups that would together be viewed as the “Reds.”
Why is Malaysia experiencing a brain drain?
I am actually a little surprised by the anger and disgust my fellow Malaysian emigrants feel about their country of birth. As someone who has adopted UK as his home for almost 20 years, I have always felt that my decision to live and work in the UK is related to personal and professional reasons. I understand that Malaysia is not a developed nation, and that all developed nations today had gone through a difficulty path to achieve developed status.
My view of Malaysia, overall, has always been relatively positive. I never take for granted what many in war-torn, poverty-laden developing countries would consider a decent country in which to live. For instance, we can expect to have clean drinking water, reliable electricity supply and modern public transport infrastructure.
I have some friends who have moved back to Malaysia in recent years after decades of living in the UK. They feel very positive about what Malaysia today has to offer. They understand that the irritating aspects of daily lives in Malaysia are ‘part of the package’ that comes with their decision to return. They, too, feel that being able to contribute or ‘give back’ to their country of birth has been an important reason for their decision to return.
Thank you for such an interesting piece of research on what I think is truly a contemporary and politically significant issue. This research will, hopefully, form a foundation on which more of such research studies could build upon.
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A Red Shirt New Year party
This man, Surachai, has an incredible courage and persistence. With only limited formal education, how he had transformed himself into a vivid socio-political thinker and a confident speaker is beyond my understanding.
Although not without the downside, his determination and fearless mind will certainly add significant strength and senses of hope to many ‘Red’ fighters around the country.
Kim and Thaksin in translation
It has been rumoured that Kim jong-il discussed Thailand with Madeline Albright when she visited Pyongyang during the Clinton administration. Bradley K. Martin makes mention of this at the end of his book on the DPRK, and actually makes an open suggestion to Kim Jong-il regarding succession issues with direct reference to Thailand.
Kim and Thaksin in translation
well, it is really completely absurd to make any parallels at all about North Korea and Thailand….after all North Korea is 100 percent dominated by a vast and ubiquitous Cult of Personality with government-sponsored posters of the Dear Leader all over the place, adoring tv shows about the Dear Leader playing on every channel, endless public ceremonies celebrating the undying love, respect and devotion of the North Korean people to the Dear Leader, etc. whereas Thailand is a “Transparent” and “Rule of Law Democracy” with freely elected leaders and no need for any Cults of Personality in order to maintain an oppressive government’s control……..
The Buddha was bald
I essentially agree with Steve on the fallacy/heresy point. It’s hard to get away from the view that these words contain value judgements. And regarding heresy, a lot depends on what is considered orthodox. Yes, technically the buddhavacana is the most authoritative category of text. But we know that the commentaries and various post-canonical texts (including the Nidaanakathaa) assumed a very high level of authority which, in some cases, came to surpass the canon itself in terms of use and role within Buddhist tradition – a prime example being the Visuddhimagga. Of course nowadays (and for a century or so), various modern Buddhist traditions assert exclusively the importance of the canon. But it was far from always like that and Mr Mazard risks being pigeon-holed as a scholarly proponent of that type of movement if he uses the word heresy in this way. What’s wrong with the more neutral word ‘inconsistency’? Then I presume everyone will be happy.