Mass movement is occurring across Thailand ushering a new era of democracy. Majority of Thai people want change
—————————————————————–
Susie Wong, please don’t speak for the whole country. You don’t have any evidence that the majority of the country want change at all. Majority means more than 50%. Do you have a solid evidence for it? I don’t think so.
Next time just represent yourself and only your opinion(s), don’t speak for the whole country. Don’t assume thing you certainly don’t know for sure. It makes you look like a fool.
I wonder if there is difference between Myanmar and Thailand or Than Shwe and Phumipon?
1.The whole Thailand is also divided into regional military divisions: Bangkok, Central region, Northern region, and Southern region. All four divisions is controlled by Army Chief Anupong Paochinda. Prem is currently working hard to create a new military division for Northeast to suppress the Red shirted. In Thailand those who control the Bangkok Division and Central Region division, control the country because they have the capacity to stage a coup any time.
2. These divisional commanders also are the regional warlords with absolute power and they are carefully hand-picked from the army by Phumipon. The parallel civilian administrative structure including the courts, police, and civilian bureaucracy is just a tool for the respective warlord for that divisional region. As we have witness the complaints about the different treatment between the Red shirted and the Yellow shirted.
3. Similarly, all divisional commanders met regularly, every month or even week during crisis-periods, in Bangkok to report to Prem Tinsulanond and Surayudh Chulanond and also to take direct orders from them. Phumipon directly handed pick both of them as Chief of the Privy Council. Prem was former Army Chief and former Prime Minister so did Surayudh.
4. Likewise, as divide and rule strategy, Phumipon also created mobile infantry divisions called Police Border Patrol (originally headed by his mother) and its commanders as counter-warlords in every region to check against the respective regional commanders.
In the same manner, Phumipon makes sure that no any military men can rise to any serious de facto power. Depending on the circumstances the Generals fallen from his grace are either shifted to a civilian post or pensioned off. The latest was Police General Patcharawat Wongsuwan who was fired last week by Aphisit Vejjajiwa because Aphisit sided with the Yellow-shirted mob (or the royal mob). Throughout his reign, Phumipon made sure that no two related family members hold key military position. He destroyed GeneralThanom-Prapat, General Suchinda and his brother-in-law, and now former Police Chief Pacharawat and his brother (currently Minister of Defense).
5. Similarly, Phumipon only deals with four Division Commanders via the Privy Council Chief Prem and Surayudh. There is no checks and balances against Phumipon’s unlimited power.
I think it is a sacred duty of scholars to transcend biases because selection bias cannot provide light in the darkness tunnel. Furthermore, we have to ask why analysts only focus on Than Shwe but not Phumipon ? Why Thailand Crown Prince Vajilalongkorn flew to Germany? Is there any difference foreign policy between Than Shwe and Phumipon that has led to the selection bias?
I just wonder why anyone bothers to comment on what The Nation publishes at all. Because it’s written in English? No-one reads it and its owners are close to bankruptcy. It has basically zero impact on Thai public opinion.
It’s not hard in this country to find an idiot to say or write something objectionable.
Why not cover what the influential newspapers or better still, blog sites in Thailand are saying? (or not saying, as the case may be).
Hla Oo’s valuable comments seem to prove the point of the original post. What Hla Oo describes above is a system of checks an balances. I associated that phrase with civics lessons on the separation of powers in the US government but the function here is a similar one. I suppose the difference is in the goal. In the US system of check and balances the idea, in theory, is to limit the concentration of power in any one institution (person). In Burma the idea is to limit the concentration of power in any one place at the lower levels so as to give Than Shwe ultimate say. But the fact that he has to work through checking an balancing potentially ambitious and unruly underlings – and semi to fully autonomous militia groups too – puts paid to the idea that one man controls everything. My experience in Burma, and that of many Chinese business people I have contact with there, indicates that one of the biggest problems (opportunities) unstable nature local governing actors power. On the one hand a plethora of poorly or not systematized laws and regulations, as well as multiplicity of semi-autonomous actors means that it is not clear who is in charge of what. But, when a situation becomes sensitive there is a often paralyzing tendency to send question far up the hierarchy. This is kind of a contradiction and means that there is both deference to highly centralized authority in some cases, and a more routine recourse by local authorities to taking advantage of administrative confusion to act to for their own advantage. Whatever Burma’s administrative hierarchy might be I think it is quite clear that is not the “well oiled machine” that one might suppose froma too literal reading of Andrew Marshall’s article.
Than Shwe definitely rules Burma with an iron fist like his mentor Ne Win had done for over 20 years. Here is the simple but extremely tight mechanism he inherited from Ne Win and uses with success.
Basically the whole Burma is divided into many regional military divisions, Taings in Burmese, and each division with about twenty infantry battalions is controlled by a divisional commander, Taing-Mhu in Burmese, a major general now but a colonel during Ne Win’s era.
These divisional commanders are the regional warlords with absolute power and they are carefully hand-picked from the army by the dictator of the time. The parallel civilian administrative structure including the courts, police, and civilian militia is just a tool for the respective warlord for that divisional region.
During Ne Win’s rule, all divisional commanders met regularly, sometimes every month or even week during crisis-periods, in Rangoon to report to Ne Win and also to take direct orders from him.
As divide and rule strategy, Ne Win also created mobile infantry divisions called LIDs and its commanders as counter-warlords in every region to check against the respective regional commanders.
He often used these Light Infantry Divisions to dispose the recalcitrant regional commanders. Depending on the circumstances the ex-warlords fallen from his grace are either shifted to a civilian post or pensioned off. Some even ended in jail or dead.
Now the Burmese army is bigger and so Than Shwe has created additional layer between him and the regional divisional commanders. Lieutenant-generals, called Taing-gyoke in Burmese, now directly controls three or four adjacent military divisions and the divisional commanders report and take orders from them instead of Than Shwe.
For example one such lieutenant-general called Min Aung Hlaing now controls Shan-State-North, Shan-State-South, and Trangle-Region military divisions as a Taing-Gyoke. He was formerly a warlord of the Triangle Region, now the warlord of the whole Shan State.
So unlike Ne Win, Than Shwe now deals with only four senior warlords instead of 20 odd warlords and as many counter-warlords. Maybe it makes his life much easier so that he can enjoy the English Soccer live on late-night satellite TV with his grandson.
Since Mark Teufel, German translator of DD, alerted me to a new edition in English, published in Hong Kong, I have been on a mission to find this book.
As befitting the Discus, finding the book is proving a mysterious process.
What we know:
The Devil’s Discus, [Hong Kong]: 2009, DMP Publications, ISBN-10: 988-97752-5-5,
ISBN-13: 978-988-97752-5-4
The only known copy is held in the library of the Chinese University of Hong Kong (Call no. DS585.K78 2009). CUHK claims the book was provided to them by the Hong Kong copyright depository for published works (requirement of five copies), the Books Registration Office of the Hong Kong Central Library.
CUHK staff further claims there are no contact details for the publisher in the book. Curious they don’t seem to want to be contacted to sell their books!
In fact, we don’t even know for sure that this edition was published in Hong Kong as CUHK has mentioned a notation “Printed in USA”. However, if, in fact, copies were deposited with the BRO, it is a good indication the publishers in in Hong Kong.
A ‘net search for the publisher comes up empty, as do searches for the mystery ISBNs (shades of Harry Nicolaides!).
As NM readers may know, Rayne Kruger’s widow, Prudence Leith, gifted FACT with all international rights to DD. However, we are very pleased to see the book getting the attention it well deserves.
I have lots of feelers out to find the publishers but perhaps some NM reader can help.
I think the life of an international student in Australia is harder than it looks. I did investigation study on international student for my ESL, and I found lots of things which are hard to find on internet. I went to 2 Universities to meet the international students and found lot of difficulties they are facing that I can-not tell you. They are doing maximum work and getting minimum paid. Other hand international student’s population in Australia is increasing readily every year. After 2006 the cases of attacks on international students are raises up to 65%. Now every day in Australia 1 or 2 international students become the target.
Australian Education minister said the safety of international students is in our top 3 priorities (the Advertiser)
Hi Luke, thanks for your interest. Just fill out the form as best you can and you can email me with any additional information. Best wishes, Andrew Walker
Dom Nardi’s observation brings to mind David Steinberg’s recent reference to Burma as having “one man rule.” Steinberg spoke about Burma in such terms during his testimony to the recent US Senate hearing on Burma. I quote him here:
sam-deedes, you find it inappropriate to address the one glaring misstatement in an otherwise admirable comment? Wouldn’t factuality and philosophy working together more neatly conform to the definition of progressive?
There is an upcoming international conference on http://www.lscac.msu.ac.th/, titled Language, Society and Culture in Asian Contexts. Mahasarakham, January 6-7, 2010. The title caught my eye and I then inquired with the organizers with the following:
“12 October 2009
Greetings.
An American living in Korat, I recently completed and this month am publishing a new English language book, Lady Mo and Herosim at tung Samrit. The work involved in this was challenging and rewarding.
I am interested in possibly attending the coming January conference Language, Society and Culture in Asian context, but the topic would possibly be somewhat unique. It might fit under several categories, including cultural diversity.
The subject matter is specific to open publication of information as a whole, but in regard to selective publication of newsstories and other subject that are often printed in English but not in Thai, or printed in Thai but not in English.
The selective publication of material here in Thailand often forestalls the opportunity for readers of the other language to be informed, but also provides a safeguard that allows publication (in the language that will least likely be upsetting to society as a whole) while at least paying lip service to freedom of the press.
I cite, for example, a recent headlines in a local thai language newspaper that said, “Terrorists infiltrate mobs,” alluding to both international terrorists and Red-shirts that were reportedly going to infiltrate large gatherings during the October 2009 ASEAN summit. The same day this headline appeared in Thai, however, nothing in English was mentioned in either of the country’s two English language dailies – the Bangkok Post and The Nation.
Kindly advise if you may be interested in a special paper and presentation in this subject are – that is, selective linguistic publication for socio-political purposes.
Thank you in advance.
Sincerely,
Frank G Anderson”
Based on this, I received notification that they would be interested in seeing a paper on this for presentation at the conference. So, in addition to my own research and whatever lies around handy, does anyone here on this website have recollections or specific references where a news report in Thailand was carried by the Thai press but not the English and perhaps less often, by the English but not the Thai?
Some of the material I am collating for the paper deadline on 30 October includes local online Thai language resources such as Same Sky and Prachaitai, this website and others, with reference to Thainess in three of its major aspects – illusory, mandated and genuine.
Anything anyone can send along or provide references to will be deeply appreciated. Kindly allow me at least three or four days to complete my paper before the deadline, which would mean that material should reach me no later than 25 October.
Thanks to everyone in advance. I know most of you have a lot on your plate but here is a chance to get an interesting subject out in the open.
Frank
I am an undergraduate student graduating with a Bachelor of Creative Arts from La Trobe University in mid 2010. My major is Cinema Studies and the remainder of my units are creative-writing and film-making based. I am living in China during semester 2 of next year, and then I will be completing my honours year in 2011.
I focus on S.E. Asia wherever I can in my academic studies and I am working towards a Masters or phD thesis on Norodom Sihanouk’s film ouvre. I am also planning a major documentary project for 2012. I have been to S.E. Asia four times focusing on Laos, Cambodia and Vietnam (ex-Indochina). I worked in Vietnam for six months of 2008. I do a lot of extra reading, churning through at least one major S.E. Asia related academic text each month.
I am interested in attending this conference as an undergraduate observer but the application form on the website doesn’t give sufficient fields for my unique experience, level of tuition or direction. I concede that, for the purposes of this conference, my academic experience may be problematised by my creative studies.
From the background I have given, and as a scholar familiar with these processes, what is your opinion the best approach for me to attend this conference?
I have recently written a post for New Matilda which contains, among other things, figures for garment exports from Myanmar to Australia. You can check it out at http://newmatilda.com/2009/10/15/why-boycott-burma
If Than Shwe were to suddenly exit the stage it would result in the other generals immediately trying to grab the reins of power. The various cliques would form new alliances to further their own ambitions.
It would probably get violent, too, with those more willing to commit violence and treachery rising to the top.
I personally find Susie Wong’s contributions quite progressive. It’s a bit disingenuous of mongerSEA to zero in on sex tourism when Susie’s post covered so many important issues.
It might be a bit of an exaggeration, but is pretty close to the truth from what I know. Unlike Thailand or Bangladesh, which have democratic structures in name (if not actuality), Burma’s junta follows a fairly strict military hierarchy with no competing power centers. Especially in this transition period, Than Shwe remains central because he decides who succeeds him. His top subordinates have been jockeying for his favor for years. Yes, Than Shwe does have to manage other powerful generals in the junta, and he’s not really the only important figure in government. However, one of strengths was exactly that – somebody who provided the junta with the leadership and ability to balance competing factions. In fact, he rose to power in the early 1990s because he was able to gain the trust of both the Maung Aye and Khin Nyunt factions within the military. Now, those two generals have been sidelined and the younger generals all owe their success to Than Shwe.
So, did Andrew Marshall exaggerate a bit? Maybe. But he knows what he’s talking about.
In fact, the new district was originally referred to as “Amphoe Wat Chan” (р╕нр╕│р╣Ар╕ар╕нр╕зр╕▒р╕Фр╕Ир╕▒р╕Щр╕Чр╕гр╣М), there are still lots of Google hits on that term, including the geocode list by the Department of Provincial Administration. It was that list from where I stumbled on this case some time before it came into the main news now.
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Can Southeast Asia’s royals survive?
Susie Wong // Oct 13, 2009 at 2:02 pm
Mass movement is occurring across Thailand ushering a new era of democracy. Majority of Thai people want change
—————————————————————–
Susie Wong, please don’t speak for the whole country. You don’t have any evidence that the majority of the country want change at all. Majority means more than 50%. Do you have a solid evidence for it? I don’t think so.
Next time just represent yourself and only your opinion(s), don’t speak for the whole country. Don’t assume thing you certainly don’t know for sure. It makes you look like a fool.
One man to rule them all
I wonder if there is difference between Myanmar and Thailand or Than Shwe and Phumipon?
1.The whole Thailand is also divided into regional military divisions: Bangkok, Central region, Northern region, and Southern region. All four divisions is controlled by Army Chief Anupong Paochinda. Prem is currently working hard to create a new military division for Northeast to suppress the Red shirted. In Thailand those who control the Bangkok Division and Central Region division, control the country because they have the capacity to stage a coup any time.
2. These divisional commanders also are the regional warlords with absolute power and they are carefully hand-picked from the army by Phumipon. The parallel civilian administrative structure including the courts, police, and civilian bureaucracy is just a tool for the respective warlord for that divisional region. As we have witness the complaints about the different treatment between the Red shirted and the Yellow shirted.
3. Similarly, all divisional commanders met regularly, every month or even week during crisis-periods, in Bangkok to report to Prem Tinsulanond and Surayudh Chulanond and also to take direct orders from them. Phumipon directly handed pick both of them as Chief of the Privy Council. Prem was former Army Chief and former Prime Minister so did Surayudh.
4. Likewise, as divide and rule strategy, Phumipon also created mobile infantry divisions called Police Border Patrol (originally headed by his mother) and its commanders as counter-warlords in every region to check against the respective regional commanders.
In the same manner, Phumipon makes sure that no any military men can rise to any serious de facto power. Depending on the circumstances the Generals fallen from his grace are either shifted to a civilian post or pensioned off. The latest was Police General Patcharawat Wongsuwan who was fired last week by Aphisit Vejjajiwa because Aphisit sided with the Yellow-shirted mob (or the royal mob). Throughout his reign, Phumipon made sure that no two related family members hold key military position. He destroyed GeneralThanom-Prapat, General Suchinda and his brother-in-law, and now former Police Chief Pacharawat and his brother (currently Minister of Defense).
5. Similarly, Phumipon only deals with four Division Commanders via the Privy Council Chief Prem and Surayudh. There is no checks and balances against Phumipon’s unlimited power.
I think it is a sacred duty of scholars to transcend biases because selection bias cannot provide light in the darkness tunnel. Furthermore, we have to ask why analysts only focus on Than Shwe but not Phumipon ? Why Thailand Crown Prince Vajilalongkorn flew to Germany? Is there any difference foreign policy between Than Shwe and Phumipon that has led to the selection bias?
More on King Bhumibol’s health
I just wonder why anyone bothers to comment on what The Nation publishes at all. Because it’s written in English? No-one reads it and its owners are close to bankruptcy. It has basically zero impact on Thai public opinion.
It’s not hard in this country to find an idiot to say or write something objectionable.
Why not cover what the influential newspapers or better still, blog sites in Thailand are saying? (or not saying, as the case may be).
Success for the Burma sanctions campaign?
Here is an interesting collection of articles on Burma:
http://ui.se/pdf/SIIA_papers_4.pdf
One man to rule them all
Hla Oo’s valuable comments seem to prove the point of the original post. What Hla Oo describes above is a system of checks an balances. I associated that phrase with civics lessons on the separation of powers in the US government but the function here is a similar one. I suppose the difference is in the goal. In the US system of check and balances the idea, in theory, is to limit the concentration of power in any one institution (person). In Burma the idea is to limit the concentration of power in any one place at the lower levels so as to give Than Shwe ultimate say. But the fact that he has to work through checking an balancing potentially ambitious and unruly underlings – and semi to fully autonomous militia groups too – puts paid to the idea that one man controls everything. My experience in Burma, and that of many Chinese business people I have contact with there, indicates that one of the biggest problems (opportunities) unstable nature local governing actors power. On the one hand a plethora of poorly or not systematized laws and regulations, as well as multiplicity of semi-autonomous actors means that it is not clear who is in charge of what. But, when a situation becomes sensitive there is a often paralyzing tendency to send question far up the hierarchy. This is kind of a contradiction and means that there is both deference to highly centralized authority in some cases, and a more routine recourse by local authorities to taking advantage of administrative confusion to act to for their own advantage. Whatever Burma’s administrative hierarchy might be I think it is quite clear that is not the “well oiled machine” that one might suppose froma too literal reading of Andrew Marshall’s article.
One man to rule them all
Than Shwe definitely rules Burma with an iron fist like his mentor Ne Win had done for over 20 years. Here is the simple but extremely tight mechanism he inherited from Ne Win and uses with success.
Basically the whole Burma is divided into many regional military divisions, Taings in Burmese, and each division with about twenty infantry battalions is controlled by a divisional commander, Taing-Mhu in Burmese, a major general now but a colonel during Ne Win’s era.
These divisional commanders are the regional warlords with absolute power and they are carefully hand-picked from the army by the dictator of the time. The parallel civilian administrative structure including the courts, police, and civilian militia is just a tool for the respective warlord for that divisional region.
During Ne Win’s rule, all divisional commanders met regularly, sometimes every month or even week during crisis-periods, in Rangoon to report to Ne Win and also to take direct orders from him.
As divide and rule strategy, Ne Win also created mobile infantry divisions called LIDs and its commanders as counter-warlords in every region to check against the respective regional commanders.
He often used these Light Infantry Divisions to dispose the recalcitrant regional commanders. Depending on the circumstances the ex-warlords fallen from his grace are either shifted to a civilian post or pensioned off. Some even ended in jail or dead.
Now the Burmese army is bigger and so Than Shwe has created additional layer between him and the regional divisional commanders. Lieutenant-generals, called Taing-gyoke in Burmese, now directly controls three or four adjacent military divisions and the divisional commanders report and take orders from them instead of Than Shwe.
For example one such lieutenant-general called Min Aung Hlaing now controls Shan-State-North, Shan-State-South, and Trangle-Region military divisions as a Taing-Gyoke. He was formerly a warlord of the Triangle Region, now the warlord of the whole Shan State.
So unlike Ne Win, Than Shwe now deals with only four senior warlords instead of 20 odd warlords and as many counter-warlords. Maybe it makes his life much easier so that he can enjoy the English Soccer live on late-night satellite TV with his grandson.
The Devil’s Discus – in Thai
If FACT has the rights, will it be re-published? One imagines that a publisher would be interested.
The Devil’s Discus – in Thai
Since Mark Teufel, German translator of DD, alerted me to a new edition in English, published in Hong Kong, I have been on a mission to find this book.
As befitting the Discus, finding the book is proving a mysterious process.
What we know:
The Devil’s Discus, [Hong Kong]: 2009, DMP Publications, ISBN-10: 988-97752-5-5,
ISBN-13: 978-988-97752-5-4
The only known copy is held in the library of the Chinese University of Hong Kong (Call no. DS585.K78 2009). CUHK claims the book was provided to them by the Hong Kong copyright depository for published works (requirement of five copies), the Books Registration Office of the Hong Kong Central Library.
CUHK staff further claims there are no contact details for the publisher in the book. Curious they don’t seem to want to be contacted to sell their books!
In fact, we don’t even know for sure that this edition was published in Hong Kong as CUHK has mentioned a notation “Printed in USA”. However, if, in fact, copies were deposited with the BRO, it is a good indication the publishers in in Hong Kong.
A ‘net search for the publisher comes up empty, as do searches for the mystery ISBNs (shades of Harry Nicolaides!).
As NM readers may know, Rayne Kruger’s widow, Prudence Leith, gifted FACT with all international rights to DD. However, we are very pleased to see the book getting the attention it well deserves.
I have lots of feelers out to find the publishers but perhaps some NM reader can help.
Problems in Australia’s overseas student program
I think the life of an international student in Australia is harder than it looks. I did investigation study on international student for my ESL, and I found lots of things which are hard to find on internet. I went to 2 Universities to meet the international students and found lot of difficulties they are facing that I can-not tell you. They are doing maximum work and getting minimum paid. Other hand international student’s population in Australia is increasing readily every year. After 2006 the cases of attacks on international students are raises up to 65%. Now every day in Australia 1 or 2 international students become the target.
Australian Education minister said the safety of international students is in our top 3 priorities (the Advertiser)
Asia Pacific Week at ANU
Hi Luke, thanks for your interest. Just fill out the form as best you can and you can email me with any additional information. Best wishes, Andrew Walker
One man to rule them all
Dom Nardi’s observation brings to mind David Steinberg’s recent reference to Burma as having “one man rule.” Steinberg spoke about Burma in such terms during his testimony to the recent US Senate hearing on Burma. I quote him here:
http://jotman.blogspot.com/2009/10/burma-is-not-vietnam.html
This post might also be of interest:
http://jotman.blogspot.com/2009/10/how-should-us-engage-burma.html
Can Southeast Asia’s royals survive?
sam-deedes, you find it inappropriate to address the one glaring misstatement in an otherwise admirable comment? Wouldn’t factuality and philosophy working together more neatly conform to the definition of progressive?
Asia Pacific Week at ANU
15 October 2009
Request for input/assistance –
There is an upcoming international conference on http://www.lscac.msu.ac.th/, titled Language, Society and Culture in Asian Contexts. Mahasarakham, January 6-7, 2010. The title caught my eye and I then inquired with the organizers with the following:
“12 October 2009
Greetings.
An American living in Korat, I recently completed and this month am publishing a new English language book, Lady Mo and Herosim at tung Samrit. The work involved in this was challenging and rewarding.
I am interested in possibly attending the coming January conference Language, Society and Culture in Asian context, but the topic would possibly be somewhat unique. It might fit under several categories, including cultural diversity.
The subject matter is specific to open publication of information as a whole, but in regard to selective publication of newsstories and other subject that are often printed in English but not in Thai, or printed in Thai but not in English.
The selective publication of material here in Thailand often forestalls the opportunity for readers of the other language to be informed, but also provides a safeguard that allows publication (in the language that will least likely be upsetting to society as a whole) while at least paying lip service to freedom of the press.
I cite, for example, a recent headlines in a local thai language newspaper that said, “Terrorists infiltrate mobs,” alluding to both international terrorists and Red-shirts that were reportedly going to infiltrate large gatherings during the October 2009 ASEAN summit. The same day this headline appeared in Thai, however, nothing in English was mentioned in either of the country’s two English language dailies – the Bangkok Post and The Nation.
Kindly advise if you may be interested in a special paper and presentation in this subject are – that is, selective linguistic publication for socio-political purposes.
Thank you in advance.
Sincerely,
Frank G Anderson”
Based on this, I received notification that they would be interested in seeing a paper on this for presentation at the conference. So, in addition to my own research and whatever lies around handy, does anyone here on this website have recollections or specific references where a news report in Thailand was carried by the Thai press but not the English and perhaps less often, by the English but not the Thai?
Some of the material I am collating for the paper deadline on 30 October includes local online Thai language resources such as Same Sky and Prachaitai, this website and others, with reference to Thainess in three of its major aspects – illusory, mandated and genuine.
Anything anyone can send along or provide references to will be deeply appreciated. Kindly allow me at least three or four days to complete my paper before the deadline, which would mean that material should reach me no later than 25 October.
Thanks to everyone in advance. I know most of you have a lot on your plate but here is a chance to get an interesting subject out in the open.
Frank
Asia Pacific Week at ANU
I am an undergraduate student graduating with a Bachelor of Creative Arts from La Trobe University in mid 2010. My major is Cinema Studies and the remainder of my units are creative-writing and film-making based. I am living in China during semester 2 of next year, and then I will be completing my honours year in 2011.
I focus on S.E. Asia wherever I can in my academic studies and I am working towards a Masters or phD thesis on Norodom Sihanouk’s film ouvre. I am also planning a major documentary project for 2012. I have been to S.E. Asia four times focusing on Laos, Cambodia and Vietnam (ex-Indochina). I worked in Vietnam for six months of 2008. I do a lot of extra reading, churning through at least one major S.E. Asia related academic text each month.
I am interested in attending this conference as an undergraduate observer but the application form on the website doesn’t give sufficient fields for my unique experience, level of tuition or direction. I concede that, for the purposes of this conference, my academic experience may be problematised by my creative studies.
From the background I have given, and as a scholar familiar with these processes, what is your opinion the best approach for me to attend this conference?
Success for the Burma sanctions campaign?
I have recently written a post for New Matilda which contains, among other things, figures for garment exports from Myanmar to Australia. You can check it out at http://newmatilda.com/2009/10/15/why-boycott-burma
Ampoe Galyani Vadhana
Thanks Andy,
I appreciate the clarification!
Best wishes to all,
Nich
One man to rule them all
If Than Shwe were to suddenly exit the stage it would result in the other generals immediately trying to grab the reins of power. The various cliques would form new alliances to further their own ambitions.
It would probably get violent, too, with those more willing to commit violence and treachery rising to the top.
Can Southeast Asia’s royals survive?
I personally find Susie Wong’s contributions quite progressive. It’s a bit disingenuous of mongerSEA to zero in on sex tourism when Susie’s post covered so many important issues.
One man to rule them all
It might be a bit of an exaggeration, but is pretty close to the truth from what I know. Unlike Thailand or Bangladesh, which have democratic structures in name (if not actuality), Burma’s junta follows a fairly strict military hierarchy with no competing power centers. Especially in this transition period, Than Shwe remains central because he decides who succeeds him. His top subordinates have been jockeying for his favor for years. Yes, Than Shwe does have to manage other powerful generals in the junta, and he’s not really the only important figure in government. However, one of strengths was exactly that – somebody who provided the junta with the leadership and ability to balance competing factions. In fact, he rose to power in the early 1990s because he was able to gain the trust of both the Maung Aye and Khin Nyunt factions within the military. Now, those two generals have been sidelined and the younger generals all owe their success to Than Shwe.
So, did Andrew Marshall exaggerate a bit? Maybe. But he knows what he’s talking about.
Ampoe Galyani Vadhana
In fact, the new district was originally referred to as “Amphoe Wat Chan” (р╕нр╕│р╣Ар╕ар╕нр╕зр╕▒р╕Фр╕Ир╕▒р╕Щр╕Чр╕гр╣М), there are still lots of Google hits on that term, including the geocode list by the Department of Provincial Administration. It was that list from where I stumbled on this case some time before it came into the main news now.