Just a narrow point, having previously been an overseas student in Australia. Regarding R.N. England’s statement that for “most of the [overseas] students… their real motive is economic migration.” At least in my experience, this was not the case. And if Richard Wong’s figure of 400,000 overseas students is correct, then “most” would be over 200,000 overseas students a year seeking permanent residency.
While studying in Australia, I was friends with fellow overseas students from Asia, Africa, Europe, South America and North America, and acquainted with an even larger number. Most were from South Asia and East Asia. I only knew of one person (my flatmate from Japan) who sought permanent residency. However, as he was from Japan, I don’t think you can easily argue that better “pay and conditions” in Australia were his primary motive. Most of my Asian friends and colleagues were planning on returning home (to India, Nepal, Sri Lanka, Thailand, Malaysia, China/Hong Kong, Taiwan, Japan) with a relatively valuable Australia degree which would help them get quite decent employment and pay back home.
This is quite interesting. However, the data provided is only the price. Another piece of information about volume of trade either domestic/import would complement the analysis.
Dulcify – I’m somewhat mystified by your comments.
From what I know, and what I have heard from Indian students and Australian friends alike, there is no doubt that the attacks are racial. That they are opportunistic is a given, but the fact is they are based on race. For the police to claim as they did at first, that the crimes were opportunistic, was disingenuous and helped enrage the targeted student community.
Having said that, I am told attacks take place on people from other migrant communities as well, but their governments have not stepped in to protest. There is also undoubtedly inter-racial harassment and violence, but without citing data your question ”How many of these attacks are carried out by members of the migrant communities in Australia?” can best be described as speculative and leading. Your last sentence ”I hope that highlighting of violence by the Indian students leads to a safer community for everyone in Australia” oddly seems to seek to transfer the blame to the victims.
Then you also say ”How many Indian students come to Australia to escape the violent and sexually humiliating hazing that is rampant in the Indian education system?” I suggest the answer is none or perhaps at most a tiny handful. It is hugely expensive to study in Australia, far too expensive to justify merely to escape a couple of weeks of inconvenient hazing. Besides, while there have been serious hazing incidents in India, it is a rather large country and to suggest that the entire education system may be losing students because of it is totally unfounded.
For those who are wondering why I have pitched in, it is because my daughter studies in Melbourne. She has not so far been the focus of any attacks, ironically probably because she doesn’t look ”typically Indian” (I get a lot of that myself, and am no longer surprised at small-minded stereotyping; what is an Indian supposed to look like??). But she has seen plenty of incidents of clearly racial harassment of Indians and others occurring right in front of her.
I think Richard Wong’s post is an excellent, well reasoned one.
I am looking forward to the questions raised above by “dulcify”.
Correct me if I am wrong, but reports I saw were of attacks on public transport.
In the name of efficiency, dcades ago, suburban rail services in Australia were stripped of station staff and guards on trains, to be replaced by hideously bright lighting at night , spy cameras and Red panic buttons on platforms.
Despite the squalidness of India I suspect that the Indian Railways still have adequate staff and provide a higher level of security for passengers.
Australia’s problems extend beyond the realm of greed in education.
Weekly Eleven has issued another public statement in which the editors complain this time against a local journal, The Voice Weekly, for carrying news about the swine flu incident involving their journalist. The cause for the complaint is a matter of wording and a bit hard to locate, but the upshot is that Weekly Eleven warns that the next person who publishes something on the case without checking with them first is going to get sued.
Realistically, the fact that Sondhi was not seriously wounded or not killed was more probably due to either the inadequate marksmanship of the assailants or the intention not to kill.
Sidh: And what narrowing down of Thai political space? Are we following events in the same country?
Ralph: Presumably. But you read me incorrectly. I said: “Try blaming those who keep the law exactly for the purpose of narrowing the political space.” I wasn’t talking about the present but the historical use of LM. You can look at the statistics on this in the well-circulated Streckfuss and Thanapol article. That said, I do not think that political space is expanding in Thailand just now, but that’s a separate debate.
Sidh: Ralph#32, we agree there. I’ve always maintained that let the Thais deal with LM (and I am certain they will deal with the law at the right time of their own choosing)…
Ralph: That wasn’t the point. Yes, Thais can deal with it, eventually, but if the free and open discussion of the LM law and of the monarchy is not permitted, then as has been the case for quite some time, foreign interest and political space is useful and, arguably, necessary.
Sidh: I will not be “wonderfully naive” and be clear with you here Ralph – LM laws will not be “abolished” at once at your whim.
Ralph: No such point was made.
Sidh: … why would you want to impose such a rigid, extremely narrow framework of LM on yourselves to read Thai politics?
Ralph: Not sure what this means. For too long, analysts of Thai politics left out the monarchy and LM. Bringing it back in makes analysis more complete than it has been in the past. Thai scholars remain heavily constrained in what they can write and say on these topics.
I have the book and can tell you it is a courageous, gripping and very fair-minded photographic documentary of the tumutuous past few months. For those of you uneasy with Nick’s political sympathies, don’t let it put you off looking at this book – the photos alone are unrivalled.
Sidh #8, I thoroughly agree with your final paragraph. Before posting, I’d read Voranai’s article, & saved it – as I’ve done with several others of his. I’ve been a fan for some time, and I sincerely hope he is allowed to continue. He’s a clear thinker. I especially like his allusion to AA. My post #7 came out of reflecting on his idea that it isn’t productive to always be putting the most shocking examples of corruption in the forefront, when the conduct of the whole society is providing a supportive situation where such extremes are a logical outcome of getting into positions of power.
Further, I’ve long held the view that the extremely patronising & xenophobic attitude of many Central Thais to North-Easterners is fueled & justified by a focus on the unfortunate practise of sending young people into prostitution, as well as that of alleged ‘vote-buying.’ Both of these are dishonest prejudices, although based to a limited degree on truth, because both are gradually diminishing. (In the case of vote-buying, there’s a pretty good case for arguing that ‘bribes’ haven’t changed preferences recently; rather they’ve set up a ‘contract’ that ensured the recipients got to the polling booth.)
My statement re. “the salvation of the nation’ should have been more specific (& pointed towards the PAD masses and their weird neo-fascist politics), but I’m not backing down. It has been demonstrated over & over just who the Central Thais will look after & who they will continue to ignore as long as they have the upper hand. They bleat about the ‘uneducated masses’, thus identifying a glaring problem, yet do nothing to rectify it. It’s not as if the peasants aren’t interested in coming into the real world.
Yes, Pridi & other middle-to-upper class people got the ball rolling. But it’s been a long, slow roll in an otherwise fast-moving world, & it’s time for the people to get a piece of the action. If they don’t, there could be a violent process that sets things back for years, whichever way the outcome goes.
Re. the Matichon report of the new ABAC poll – I don’t read Thai, so I won’t be able to avail myself of that. To tell you the truth, I’m wary of polls. I only mentioned the other one because you brought it up in #3, in a way that I feel was rather misleading, and I’d read 4 articles which resulted from it. I’m not surprised that Isan agrees with pardons (they want Thaksin back, because they believe he did good things for them, & there’s no evidence anybody else will- & they’re right. ), or that people with higher education don’t agree with them (so, educate the uneducated!).
BTW, I see the Thai middle-classes as underdogs too. I’m appalled with what they put up with. The problem is that they can’t see it clearly – bread & circuses!
Most of my friends are PAD supporters (not hard-core) & I avoid discussing politics with them. In Australia I wouldn’t mix with people who have opinions like them, but my Thai friends have been brainwashed. They are basically good people, kind & well-intentioned, who don’t understand the implications of the beliefs they have never had to question. They support PAD because they have been misled: they believe that the Redshirts are a genuine threat to national security, including the King. I do agree with them, looking at the evidence, that Thailand would be a much worse place if it had not been for his influence. But then, all my Redshirt friends believe that too.
Are these attacks racially motivated or largely opportunistic crimes?
How many of these attacks are carried out by members of the migrant communities in Australia?
How many Indian students come to Australia to escape the violent and sexually humiliating hazing that is rampant in the Indian education system? I hope that highlighting of violence by the Indian students leads to a safer community for everyone in Australia.
Thanks Portman for your concern. I agree it is not my funniest post. My aim was to try to provoke more discussion on the issue of the prince’s semi-regular disappearances (and have a bit of fun at the same time). Does poking fun amount to lese majeste? I did place him in a very auspicious location, after all. Perhaps the time has come for international academics to start pushing the envelope rather more than they have in the past. AW
(And sorry for editing your comment so as not to spoil the search for others.)
Ralph#32, we agree there. I’ve always maintained that let the Thais deal with LM (and I am certain they will deal with the law at the right time of their own choosing) and my position, as another Thai and self-defined ‘critical monarchist’, is generally consistent with AjarnSumet’s and AjarnSulak’s. If you are a foreigner Ralph, you have your freedom in websites such as this or in your own country to criticize Thailand’s monarchy to your heart’s content. However if you go to Thailand, you are expected to respect the law as it stands – as you would for any other country, even if you don’t like it. If that is not practical, what is? I will not be “wonderfully naive” and be clear with you here Ralph – LM laws will not be “abolished” at once at your whim. I have said many times before, if and when the Thais don’t like LM law or any other law, they will deal with it – and evidences from the Yellows and Reds suggest that they are more than capable of it.
And what narrowing down of Thai political space? Are we following events in the same country? Thai political space has never been as wide as it is today! My point here is not about “blaming foreigners for making this an issue” and just asking why would you want to impose such a rigid, extremely narrow framework of LM on yourselves to read Thai politics? I find it amusing that you accuse me of being “lazy” here as I always thought it was the other way round (a Rashomon moment I suppose)! On the other hand, Ralph, I never consider myself “correct on everything” and I’ve learnt too much from the numerous times (to count) that I am wrong.
Sidh, it is pleasing to see that you at least consider yourself unconfused and correct on everything. Rather than practical I would have said that you are wonderfully naive. Go out and ask. Statistical sampling a problem perhaps? So not practical. But there are polling agencies that do this. I wonder why they don’t ask about LM. You imply it is somehow a popular law. Not sure how to label that…
What do you make of stand up straight royalists who are now having doubts? From PoliticalPrisoners in Thailand: “Sumet [Jumsai]’s letter is interesting for the fact that he acknowledges that republicans exist in Thailand and adding that he doesn’t mind ‘so long as we are not taken to the guillotine…’. He also adds, tellingly, that the ‘spirit of the age, of the new generation who spurn the 19th century hangover…’ and is ‘tempted to agree, seeing that our monarchist role model England has moved on, while we are marking time’. Interesting thoughts from a staunch royalist.”
What about monarchist Sulak Sivarak? They’re not foreigners “who would like to say anything you want anywhere and at anytime. ” And I could list more.
The point is that you might want to give up on the lazy habit of blaming foreigners for making this an issue. Doing that puts in close to the space inhabited by Laksana.
Try blaming the Democrats and all the others who use the law for political purposes. Try blaming those who keep the law exactly for the purpose of narrowing the political space.
With regards to question 36, how well is the Khmer Rouge Period taught in schools, I can give you an idea.
You would say that up until recently, people had more family experience of the Khmer Rouge than what they were taught in schools. Given theat the Khmer Rouge stopped being a major political issue in 1998, it was dangerous to talk too openly about the role of communist Khmer in Cambodian society. There is also a reticence to actually be open about the period – retribution(for whatever reason) is still a common enough occurance in Cambodian society to make people wary of rocking the boat too much. My moto dop driver for 2 years was a former Royalist soldier on the Thai border, a fact that he wanted kept quiet (even from othermoto drivers). History is a living, breathing and potentially deadly art to become involved with even in modern Cambodia. maybe not as deadly as the roads, but dangerous enough.
The best example of educating young generations of the horrors of the Khmer Rouge was a book authored by Khamboly Dy of DC-Cam in 2007 (“A history of Democratic Kampuchea”) that was slowly being introduced to schools and the wider community. This book is a great, albeit cleansed, version of history that avoids big questions like: why did the Khmer Rouge have so much support among Khmer farmers?; why did Pol Pot act with such savagry against internal dissent?; why did Vietnam intervene in 1979 – was it because of Pol Pots genocide, or because of border intrusions? It has government support, but I don’t know how well the book has done in terms of reaching the desired audience.The book was rumoured to have been diluted so that former Khmer Rouge elements in the CPP government would not be embarrassed. Now, you may think the questions I raise above are peripheral, but the ongoing fact remains that even university students know less about Cambodian history than a tourist who reads one of the photocopied books about Cambodia on the shores of the Tonle Sap in Phnom Penh.
The recent resignation of Robert Petit, the chief UN prosecutor in the Khmer Rouge Tribunal, also points to problems in relaying history to people. Under the agreement that set up the Khmer Rouge Tribunal, outreach programs were deavalued. Everyone I have had contact with around the tribunal says that is possibly the worst element of the tribunal, even worse than the corruption in the court. The tribunal was supposed to be an event that would help unearth buried truths and air them for everybody. That hasn’t happened, and thats a great shame becuase a large discussion about the past role of the Khmer Rouge and other revolutionaries within Cambodian history would have been a useful way of releasing tension within the khmer polity and other minorities (like the Cham and ethnic Vietnamese).
A good summary of some, but not all, of the major pressing issues relating to the regime’s hold on power. I tend to think its more depressing than surprising that most Western countries continue to pin their entire foreign policy towards Myanmar on matters relating to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and the NLD and choose to neglect to discuss the more meaty issues.
I just wanted to mention a few key points that I think are missing from recent analysis:
1. I would argue that you left out an integral contributing factor to instability in Myanmar, and that is economics. Many people forget that the September 2007 unrest and civil disobedience began as a response and protest against dramatic hikes in the increase of fuel prices. I would argue that there is a great potential for civilian unrest in the leadup to the election given the huge impact of the global financial crisis on Myanmar. Any future civil disobedience that comes from civilians is likely to be based on economics and the unfair and extremely mismanaged financial policies that the government currently enacts.
2. In regards to your comment on that “The world continues to wait for a schism within the ruling clique to precipitate its end.” I think what the world is ignoring is that there is potential for this schism to develop during the 2010 elections.
The 2010 elections will by no means be free and fair. However, they will mark the biggest change in politics in Myanmar in the past 20 years. The elections are being held as a way for the military to shake up the rank and command of the leading clique of generals. Some analysts say that Than Shwe will step down to take a more behind the scenes approach, and that the battle for control will then be between Maung Aye, Thein Sein, and Thura Shwe Mann, who each represent factions within the military structure. Additionally, it looks like businessmen both of the middle class and of the elite class, will play a greater role in the upcoming election.
It is impossible to guess what the outcome will be, and the current crew could be replaced by more hardliners rather than pragmatists. However, this will still be the biggest change in Myanmar’s upper echelons we will have seen this decade, and there are a lot of folks who argue that anyone is better than Snr-Gen. Than Shwe.
Facebook 
Twitter 
Soundcloud 
Youtube 
Rss
Red, yellow, Nostitz, Baker and the “brothel of treacherous criminals” – an evening not to be missed!
Anyone know what the original Thai language phrase was that the English translation “brothel of treacherous criminals” came from?Just curious.
Where’s Vajiralongkorn?
>>>people who want a service must pay for its delivery.
What kind of response would a student get if they volunteered not to pay the voluntary fee I wonder?
Red versus yellow
Hi Nick
Great job !!!!!!
Red shirt ever.
Problems in Australia’s overseas student program
Just a narrow point, having previously been an overseas student in Australia. Regarding R.N. England’s statement that for “most of the [overseas] students… their real motive is economic migration.” At least in my experience, this was not the case. And if Richard Wong’s figure of 400,000 overseas students is correct, then “most” would be over 200,000 overseas students a year seeking permanent residency.
While studying in Australia, I was friends with fellow overseas students from Asia, Africa, Europe, South America and North America, and acquainted with an even larger number. Most were from South Asia and East Asia. I only knew of one person (my flatmate from Japan) who sought permanent residency. However, as he was from Japan, I don’t think you can easily argue that better “pay and conditions” in Australia were his primary motive. Most of my Asian friends and colleagues were planning on returning home (to India, Nepal, Sri Lanka, Thailand, Malaysia, China/Hong Kong, Taiwan, Japan) with a relatively valuable Australia degree which would help them get quite decent employment and pay back home.
The garlic roller coaster
This is quite interesting. However, the data provided is only the price. Another piece of information about volume of trade either domestic/import would complement the analysis.
Problems in Australia’s overseas student program
Dulcify – I’m somewhat mystified by your comments.
From what I know, and what I have heard from Indian students and Australian friends alike, there is no doubt that the attacks are racial. That they are opportunistic is a given, but the fact is they are based on race. For the police to claim as they did at first, that the crimes were opportunistic, was disingenuous and helped enrage the targeted student community.
Having said that, I am told attacks take place on people from other migrant communities as well, but their governments have not stepped in to protest. There is also undoubtedly inter-racial harassment and violence, but without citing data your question ”How many of these attacks are carried out by members of the migrant communities in Australia?” can best be described as speculative and leading. Your last sentence ”I hope that highlighting of violence by the Indian students leads to a safer community for everyone in Australia” oddly seems to seek to transfer the blame to the victims.
Then you also say ”How many Indian students come to Australia to escape the violent and sexually humiliating hazing that is rampant in the Indian education system?” I suggest the answer is none or perhaps at most a tiny handful. It is hugely expensive to study in Australia, far too expensive to justify merely to escape a couple of weeks of inconvenient hazing. Besides, while there have been serious hazing incidents in India, it is a rather large country and to suggest that the entire education system may be losing students because of it is totally unfounded.
For those who are wondering why I have pitched in, it is because my daughter studies in Melbourne. She has not so far been the focus of any attacks, ironically probably because she doesn’t look ”typically Indian” (I get a lot of that myself, and am no longer surprised at small-minded stereotyping; what is an Indian supposed to look like??). But she has seen plenty of incidents of clearly racial harassment of Indians and others occurring right in front of her.
I think Richard Wong’s post is an excellent, well reasoned one.
Problems in Australia’s overseas student program
I am looking forward to the questions raised above by “dulcify”.
Correct me if I am wrong, but reports I saw were of attacks on public transport.
In the name of efficiency, dcades ago, suburban rail services in Australia were stripped of station staff and guards on trains, to be replaced by hideously bright lighting at night , spy cameras and Red panic buttons on platforms.
Despite the squalidness of India I suspect that the Indian Railways still have adequate staff and provide a higher level of security for passengers.
Australia’s problems extend beyond the realm of greed in education.
Swine flu comes between Myanmar journalists
Round two in swine flu spat:
Weekly Eleven has issued another public statement in which the editors complain this time against a local journal, The Voice Weekly, for carrying news about the swine flu incident involving their journalist. The cause for the complaint is a matter of wording and a bit hard to locate, but the upshot is that Weekly Eleven warns that the next person who publishes something on the case without checking with them first is going to get sued.
The text is currently on the First 11 homepage. The English translation is here: http://www.weeklyeleven.com/e001/ev_detail.php?id=4
The amulets that saved Sondhi?
Realistically, the fact that Sondhi was not seriously wounded or not killed was more probably due to either the inadequate marksmanship of the assailants or the intention not to kill.
“An attack on the rights of journalists”
Sidh: And what narrowing down of Thai political space? Are we following events in the same country?
Ralph: Presumably. But you read me incorrectly. I said: “Try blaming those who keep the law exactly for the purpose of narrowing the political space.” I wasn’t talking about the present but the historical use of LM. You can look at the statistics on this in the well-circulated Streckfuss and Thanapol article. That said, I do not think that political space is expanding in Thailand just now, but that’s a separate debate.
Sidh: Ralph#32, we agree there. I’ve always maintained that let the Thais deal with LM (and I am certain they will deal with the law at the right time of their own choosing)…
Ralph: That wasn’t the point. Yes, Thais can deal with it, eventually, but if the free and open discussion of the LM law and of the monarchy is not permitted, then as has been the case for quite some time, foreign interest and political space is useful and, arguably, necessary.
Sidh: I will not be “wonderfully naive” and be clear with you here Ralph – LM laws will not be “abolished” at once at your whim.
Ralph: No such point was made.
Sidh: … why would you want to impose such a rigid, extremely narrow framework of LM on yourselves to read Thai politics?
Ralph: Not sure what this means. For too long, analysts of Thai politics left out the monarchy and LM. Bringing it back in makes analysis more complete than it has been in the past. Thai scholars remain heavily constrained in what they can write and say on these topics.
Red versus yellow
I have the book and can tell you it is a courageous, gripping and very fair-minded photographic documentary of the tumutuous past few months. For those of you uneasy with Nick’s political sympathies, don’t let it put you off looking at this book – the photos alone are unrivalled.
kebenaran terkini menyangkut Permainan Bandarq
Sidh #8, I thoroughly agree with your final paragraph. Before posting, I’d read Voranai’s article, & saved it – as I’ve done with several others of his. I’ve been a fan for some time, and I sincerely hope he is allowed to continue. He’s a clear thinker. I especially like his allusion to AA. My post #7 came out of reflecting on his idea that it isn’t productive to always be putting the most shocking examples of corruption in the forefront, when the conduct of the whole society is providing a supportive situation where such extremes are a logical outcome of getting into positions of power.
Further, I’ve long held the view that the extremely patronising & xenophobic attitude of many Central Thais to North-Easterners is fueled & justified by a focus on the unfortunate practise of sending young people into prostitution, as well as that of alleged ‘vote-buying.’ Both of these are dishonest prejudices, although based to a limited degree on truth, because both are gradually diminishing. (In the case of vote-buying, there’s a pretty good case for arguing that ‘bribes’ haven’t changed preferences recently; rather they’ve set up a ‘contract’ that ensured the recipients got to the polling booth.)
My statement re. “the salvation of the nation’ should have been more specific (& pointed towards the PAD masses and their weird neo-fascist politics), but I’m not backing down. It has been demonstrated over & over just who the Central Thais will look after & who they will continue to ignore as long as they have the upper hand. They bleat about the ‘uneducated masses’, thus identifying a glaring problem, yet do nothing to rectify it. It’s not as if the peasants aren’t interested in coming into the real world.
Yes, Pridi & other middle-to-upper class people got the ball rolling. But it’s been a long, slow roll in an otherwise fast-moving world, & it’s time for the people to get a piece of the action. If they don’t, there could be a violent process that sets things back for years, whichever way the outcome goes.
Re. the Matichon report of the new ABAC poll – I don’t read Thai, so I won’t be able to avail myself of that. To tell you the truth, I’m wary of polls. I only mentioned the other one because you brought it up in #3, in a way that I feel was rather misleading, and I’d read 4 articles which resulted from it. I’m not surprised that Isan agrees with pardons (they want Thaksin back, because they believe he did good things for them, & there’s no evidence anybody else will- & they’re right. ), or that people with higher education don’t agree with them (so, educate the uneducated!).
BTW, I see the Thai middle-classes as underdogs too. I’m appalled with what they put up with. The problem is that they can’t see it clearly – bread & circuses!
Most of my friends are PAD supporters (not hard-core) & I avoid discussing politics with them. In Australia I wouldn’t mix with people who have opinions like them, but my Thai friends have been brainwashed. They are basically good people, kind & well-intentioned, who don’t understand the implications of the beliefs they have never had to question. They support PAD because they have been misled: they believe that the Redshirts are a genuine threat to national security, including the King. I do agree with them, looking at the evidence, that Thailand would be a much worse place if it had not been for his influence. But then, all my Redshirt friends believe that too.
Where’s Vajiralongkorn?
>>>people who want a service must pay for its delivery.
You mean the students–or the university administration–have a choice?
Problems in Australia’s overseas student program
Are these attacks racially motivated or largely opportunistic crimes?
How many of these attacks are carried out by members of the migrant communities in Australia?
How many Indian students come to Australia to escape the violent and sexually humiliating hazing that is rampant in the Indian education system? I hope that highlighting of violence by the Indian students leads to a safer community for everyone in Australia.
Where’s Vajiralongkorn?
Thanks Portman for your concern. I agree it is not my funniest post. My aim was to try to provoke more discussion on the issue of the prince’s semi-regular disappearances (and have a bit of fun at the same time). Does poking fun amount to lese majeste? I did place him in a very auspicious location, after all. Perhaps the time has come for international academics to start pushing the envelope rather more than they have in the past. AW
(And sorry for editing your comment so as not to spoil the search for others.)
“An attack on the rights of journalists”
Ralph#32, we agree there. I’ve always maintained that let the Thais deal with LM (and I am certain they will deal with the law at the right time of their own choosing) and my position, as another Thai and self-defined ‘critical monarchist’, is generally consistent with AjarnSumet’s and AjarnSulak’s. If you are a foreigner Ralph, you have your freedom in websites such as this or in your own country to criticize Thailand’s monarchy to your heart’s content. However if you go to Thailand, you are expected to respect the law as it stands – as you would for any other country, even if you don’t like it. If that is not practical, what is? I will not be “wonderfully naive” and be clear with you here Ralph – LM laws will not be “abolished” at once at your whim. I have said many times before, if and when the Thais don’t like LM law or any other law, they will deal with it – and evidences from the Yellows and Reds suggest that they are more than capable of it.
And what narrowing down of Thai political space? Are we following events in the same country? Thai political space has never been as wide as it is today! My point here is not about “blaming foreigners for making this an issue” and just asking why would you want to impose such a rigid, extremely narrow framework of LM on yourselves to read Thai politics? I find it amusing that you accuse me of being “lazy” here as I always thought it was the other way round (a Rashomon moment I suppose)! On the other hand, Ralph, I never consider myself “correct on everything” and I’ve learnt too much from the numerous times (to count) that I am wrong.
Where’s Vajiralongkorn?
Srithanonchai: Yes, indeed, and contribute to the sufficiency of others.
“An attack on the rights of journalists”
Sidh, it is pleasing to see that you at least consider yourself unconfused and correct on everything. Rather than practical I would have said that you are wonderfully naive. Go out and ask. Statistical sampling a problem perhaps? So not practical. But there are polling agencies that do this. I wonder why they don’t ask about LM. You imply it is somehow a popular law. Not sure how to label that…
What do you make of stand up straight royalists who are now having doubts? From PoliticalPrisoners in Thailand: “Sumet [Jumsai]’s letter is interesting for the fact that he acknowledges that republicans exist in Thailand and adding that he doesn’t mind ‘so long as we are not taken to the guillotine…’. He also adds, tellingly, that the ‘spirit of the age, of the new generation who spurn the 19th century hangover…’ and is ‘tempted to agree, seeing that our monarchist role model England has moved on, while we are marking time’. Interesting thoughts from a staunch royalist.”
What about monarchist Sulak Sivarak? They’re not foreigners “who would like to say anything you want anywhere and at anytime. ” And I could list more.
The point is that you might want to give up on the lazy habit of blaming foreigners for making this an issue. Doing that puts in close to the space inhabited by Laksana.
Try blaming the Democrats and all the others who use the law for political purposes. Try blaming those who keep the law exactly for the purpose of narrowing the political space.
Fifty-two questions for the study of mainland Southeast Asia
With regards to question 36, how well is the Khmer Rouge Period taught in schools, I can give you an idea.
You would say that up until recently, people had more family experience of the Khmer Rouge than what they were taught in schools. Given theat the Khmer Rouge stopped being a major political issue in 1998, it was dangerous to talk too openly about the role of communist Khmer in Cambodian society. There is also a reticence to actually be open about the period – retribution(for whatever reason) is still a common enough occurance in Cambodian society to make people wary of rocking the boat too much. My moto dop driver for 2 years was a former Royalist soldier on the Thai border, a fact that he wanted kept quiet (even from othermoto drivers). History is a living, breathing and potentially deadly art to become involved with even in modern Cambodia. maybe not as deadly as the roads, but dangerous enough.
The best example of educating young generations of the horrors of the Khmer Rouge was a book authored by Khamboly Dy of DC-Cam in 2007 (“A history of Democratic Kampuchea”) that was slowly being introduced to schools and the wider community. This book is a great, albeit cleansed, version of history that avoids big questions like: why did the Khmer Rouge have so much support among Khmer farmers?; why did Pol Pot act with such savagry against internal dissent?; why did Vietnam intervene in 1979 – was it because of Pol Pots genocide, or because of border intrusions? It has government support, but I don’t know how well the book has done in terms of reaching the desired audience.The book was rumoured to have been diluted so that former Khmer Rouge elements in the CPP government would not be embarrassed. Now, you may think the questions I raise above are peripheral, but the ongoing fact remains that even university students know less about Cambodian history than a tourist who reads one of the photocopied books about Cambodia on the shores of the Tonle Sap in Phnom Penh.
The recent resignation of Robert Petit, the chief UN prosecutor in the Khmer Rouge Tribunal, also points to problems in relaying history to people. Under the agreement that set up the Khmer Rouge Tribunal, outreach programs were deavalued. Everyone I have had contact with around the tribunal says that is possibly the worst element of the tribunal, even worse than the corruption in the court. The tribunal was supposed to be an event that would help unearth buried truths and air them for everybody. That hasn’t happened, and thats a great shame becuase a large discussion about the past role of the Khmer Rouge and other revolutionaries within Cambodian history would have been a useful way of releasing tension within the khmer polity and other minorities (like the Cham and ethnic Vietnamese).
Burma’s general objectives
A good summary of some, but not all, of the major pressing issues relating to the regime’s hold on power. I tend to think its more depressing than surprising that most Western countries continue to pin their entire foreign policy towards Myanmar on matters relating to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and the NLD and choose to neglect to discuss the more meaty issues.
I just wanted to mention a few key points that I think are missing from recent analysis:
1. I would argue that you left out an integral contributing factor to instability in Myanmar, and that is economics. Many people forget that the September 2007 unrest and civil disobedience began as a response and protest against dramatic hikes in the increase of fuel prices. I would argue that there is a great potential for civilian unrest in the leadup to the election given the huge impact of the global financial crisis on Myanmar. Any future civil disobedience that comes from civilians is likely to be based on economics and the unfair and extremely mismanaged financial policies that the government currently enacts.
2. In regards to your comment on that “The world continues to wait for a schism within the ruling clique to precipitate its end.” I think what the world is ignoring is that there is potential for this schism to develop during the 2010 elections.
The 2010 elections will by no means be free and fair. However, they will mark the biggest change in politics in Myanmar in the past 20 years. The elections are being held as a way for the military to shake up the rank and command of the leading clique of generals. Some analysts say that Than Shwe will step down to take a more behind the scenes approach, and that the battle for control will then be between Maung Aye, Thein Sein, and Thura Shwe Mann, who each represent factions within the military structure. Additionally, it looks like businessmen both of the middle class and of the elite class, will play a greater role in the upcoming election.
It is impossible to guess what the outcome will be, and the current crew could be replaced by more hardliners rather than pragmatists. However, this will still be the biggest change in Myanmar’s upper echelons we will have seen this decade, and there are a lot of folks who argue that anyone is better than Snr-Gen. Than Shwe.