Part 2: Ruslan’s role in the Contact was important. He was the junior member of a leadersip group that included governor Surio, Resident Sudirman, Dul Arnowo. ‘Tomo didn’t do any fighting, either, but he is rightly regarded as a revolutionary. Ho Chi Minh and others never took up arms but were leaders in. Revolutions. Order 50 copies for the ANU. Kecik’s Memoar deserves to be read. Frank P
Puppet master still at large but behind the scenes in the style of the Godfather Ne Win. News of an audience with the supremo that Min Aung Hlaing, Shwe Mann and Daw Suu were reported to have attests to his pivotal role. They weren’t merely paying their respects to Godfather II. Transparency is not their forte and ASSK was walking on egg shells.
Word is the notorious multiple murders execution style in March 2008 were linked to the family of “Ah Ba” or Father as he was referred to. You cannot possibly think of a safer neighbourhood in Yangon than where it happened. The victims were an extremely wealthy family originally from the gem mining town of Mogok. Ballistics indicated bullets from the state defence industry. The police chief for some unknown reason referred the ‘unsolved murder mystery’ to Ah Ba. End of story.
Mr Graham describes Roeslan Abdulgani as a ‘revolutionary leader’ (Cak Roes’s doctorate was an honorary one, by the way). This is going too far.
Roeslan was a senior official in the Information Ministry and earned the gratitude of many foreign researchers, Herbert Feith for one, in Indonesia. I have known few well-placed Indonesians who were so prepared to extend the range of a researcher’s contacts. He seemed to understand instinctively what a foreign student needed. He was particularly helpful in introducing one to his fellow East Javanese.
His helpfulness was not limited to students or academics. The late Allan Taylor, a former ambassador to Jakarta, once told me that he had adopted the habit of seeking regular briefings on Indonesian politics from Roeslan.
As far as I know, Roeslan didn’t lead any movement during the revolution, neither a political group nor a militia. This was not his style. Having his right hand injured during the Revolution didn’t prove that he was a revolutionary leader. His strong sense of humour, which had a cynical tone at times, probably prevented him from taking on such a role.
Later, he was in the right wing of the PNI, even though he thereafter became Sukarno’s principal ‘mouthpiece’ for the seemingly leftist doctrine of Manipol USDEK. He moved some steps back to the right when he became Soeharto’s principal interpreter of Pancasila.
Understanding how a devoted Sukarnoist like Roeslan could transfer his loyalty to Soeharto so remarkably, to the extent even of tolerating Tommy Soeharto, tells us a great deal about the workings of Indonesia’s political elite.
I agree with you that most ordinary Thai people are not suppressed by the dictators. Only those who seek democracy are suppressed by the dictators. That is very wrong! It seems you and the likes of you came to Thailand to have peace and good living don’t want any disturbances. Do you understand that dictators, even those with good intention, are unacceptable.
The fighting mood and radical spirit Kecik found in Surabaya, in contrast to the mood among the republican in Jakarta, was also emphasized by Roeslan Abdugani. In an interview with me in 1996 he used the metaphor of a dragon, whose head (those who did the thinking, politics and diplomacy i.e. the republicans in Jakarta) was unable to control its tail i.e. the pemuda’s (youth) in East Java. Similar stories I heard from Soemarsono (the hero of Nov. 10 Battle of Surabaya) and Soerjono (then Pesindo leader). Thanks for the interesting review. Looking forward to read Hario Kecik’s memoir.
I am searching for a print of Lord Buddha as he is described in the Sutta, e.g. head shaved, rather than the ones based on Alexander the Great. Can anyone advise?
We Filipinos keep blaming our leaders for being corrupt and greedy. Let’s admit it, corruption permeates the whole of society from the very poor to the very rich. Our culture places no great shame in theft. There are so many thieves, hucksters, and embezzlers in every level of society, from the poorest to the richest. We don’t expect people to be honest, we can’t even trust that our own relatives won’t steal from us. Not everyone is corrupt but too many are because society tolerates it, some even celebrate it. For all our devout religiousity, you would think we would be the least corrupt society on earth. But then, Padre Damaso. . .
The author is mistaken in claiming that cacique democracy, which is basically feudalism Philippine style, began only after Marcos Sr. was deposed. The Philippines has always been and still is a feudal society. The impunity that the political, military, and oligarchial classes (one and the same?) enjoy is straight out of medieval Europe: A rebellious earl might have his head chopped off now and then but the family continues on and returns to prominence sometimes as soon as the dead earl’s heir’s generation. Just like the Philippines where powerful families never really disappear from the political stage, eh?
Maybe we should have adopted Japanese style feudalism where defeated daimyos would be executed along with all his family and progeny and his samurai retainers would all commit seppuku. Thus ensuring that no threats or mischief arises from that bloodline ever again.
In referring to Rizal Sukma, though without mentioning his name, I assume that the author meant he was Jokowi’s former foreign affairs advisor, not his current one. It would be difficult for Rizal to combine that earlier role with being ambassador to the Court of St James, though he did admittedly find time to write an Op-Ed for the Jakarta Post on this question.
The author suggests that the successive post-1998 governments’ failure to upgrade Kemenlu has resulted in foreign policy remaining very much a presidential affair. I can’t express an opinion on this judgement. I am prepared to point out, however, that Retno Marsudi is not the strongest foreign minister Indonesia has had. I think, in fact, that she rivals Alwi Shihab as the worst in the post-1998 era. Maybe a more competent foreign minister would have been able to keep Jokowi in check.
jokowi seems to have little diplomatic or strategic sense. It is for China to tell the Indonesians that, despite its recent aggressive behaviour, it is still ‘Indonesia’s friend’. It is fatuous for Jokowi to say this. Maybe Susi Pudjiastuti understands this better.
I agree with the author that Indonesia over-relies on its ‘non-claimant honest broker’ role. The fact that the adoption of this role many years ago has accomplished nothing at all is reason enough to abandon it.
A more strategically-minded president should see that it would be better for Indonesia if some fellow ASEAN members enjoyed sovereignty over various islands or land features in the South China Sea rather than allowing China to gobble them all up. This is simply a question of balance.
The Chinese ramming incident shows, in my view, that Indonesia cannot assume China recognises its Natuna EEZ. If China wants to exploit ‘traditional fishing rights’ in that EEZ, it should negotiate an agreement with Indonesia.
Absolutely. The more deeply punitive a political culture is, the more slimy and self-serving, and the less candid and useful are the public utterances of its members. That’s why every day these jerks stay in power is another nail in the coffin of Thai public life.
“I will be back …” most famous Arnold (The Terminator quote) inflict undue distress to democracy-aspiring when applied to rogue politicians-and-friends: the Marcoses, The Najibs (who won’t leave corruption and murder scandals notwithstanding), the Shinawatras, the Hun Sens …..
But those internet hackers who cracked open the “Panama papers”
“Eighty percent of Thais solidly and consistently approve of the current government – even in the North, Red Shirt country – where I live.”
Of course they do, if asked – that’s the whole point of fear and suppression. Your expressed sentiments clearly define where your sympathies lie, and you will get the answer that they think you want to hear.
While “Alice in Juntaland” makes some attempt to explain the realities in the country, it doesn’t make much sense unless you enter the world of Alice, especially in the sequel to Alice in Wonderland, which was designed to be a whimsical chess game.
A hundred and more years on, curiouser and curiouser may have been the cry of Thanakorn Siripaiboon after she deeply offended Copper. She was duly detained and given 37 years in jail for a comment on a chess game played by hounds that won in eleven core values rather than twelve.
While the alienation between red and yellow is strictly observed in Thailand, the “castling” of the white queen is perhaps the way in which Lewis Carroll enters the house of the obliterated.
The check of the white king on move 6, the capture of the red knight at seven and the final checkmate of the red king was Carroll’s way of combining literature, mathematics and logic. Back then, chess didn’t look as if there was a political theme that ran through the game.
Given the order of “prevention and suppression of certain offences that are harmful to public order or sabotage the economic system and society of the country”, Thailand is gearing up for civil war at Prayuth’s behest. One only has to look back at history to appreciate what is to come.
Prayuth, in his ultimate wisdom, then decided that he wanted to keep Thailand’s louche dependents of military happiness in a permanent state of temporary disbelief and reined them in ever more harshly, further applying the Computer Crimes Act and lèse-majesté, edging towards critical levels.
In the new “wonderland” populated by semi-anthropomorphic red and yellow chessmen, at two points the white queen passes up a chance to checkmate the red bowl and on another occasion she flees from the red knight when she could have captured him.
“Here are the red king and the red queen,” Alice said (in a whisper, for fear of frightening her detractors in power), “and there are the white king and the white queen sitting on the edge of the shovel–and here are two castles walking arm in arm.” Then the red queen puts the white king in check at move 8.
The novel’s structure is determined according to a prescribed series of chess moves, but fly agaric interdependence means that cultural pieces are influenced by wildly separate character traits.
However, with Prayuth’s new ordinance and military “Bricktop” brigade, the military are now allowed to kick down doors, arrest people for owning red pots, owning Orwellian dystopias, remove the police, seize property and enforce all aspects of criminal law that was formerly left to the cops.
It is probably the most disturbing update in this escalation of the war of attrition we have witnessed so far.
Carroll’s narrative sticks to the logic of the game and the game sticks to the logic of the narrative.
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The days when boys became men
Part 2: Ruslan’s role in the Contact was important. He was the junior member of a leadersip group that included governor Surio, Resident Sudirman, Dul Arnowo. ‘Tomo didn’t do any fighting, either, but he is rightly regarded as a revolutionary. Ho Chi Minh and others never took up arms but were leaders in. Revolutions. Order 50 copies for the ANU. Kecik’s Memoar deserves to be read. Frank P
Reckoning with Senior General Than Shwe
Puppet master still at large but behind the scenes in the style of the Godfather Ne Win. News of an audience with the supremo that Min Aung Hlaing, Shwe Mann and Daw Suu were reported to have attests to his pivotal role. They weren’t merely paying their respects to Godfather II. Transparency is not their forte and ASSK was walking on egg shells.
Word is the notorious multiple murders execution style in March 2008 were linked to the family of “Ah Ba” or Father as he was referred to. You cannot possibly think of a safer neighbourhood in Yangon than where it happened. The victims were an extremely wealthy family originally from the gem mining town of Mogok. Ballistics indicated bullets from the state defence industry. The police chief for some unknown reason referred the ‘unsolved murder mystery’ to Ah Ba. End of story.
The days when boys became men
Mr Graham describes Roeslan Abdulgani as a ‘revolutionary leader’ (Cak Roes’s doctorate was an honorary one, by the way). This is going too far.
Roeslan was a senior official in the Information Ministry and earned the gratitude of many foreign researchers, Herbert Feith for one, in Indonesia. I have known few well-placed Indonesians who were so prepared to extend the range of a researcher’s contacts. He seemed to understand instinctively what a foreign student needed. He was particularly helpful in introducing one to his fellow East Javanese.
His helpfulness was not limited to students or academics. The late Allan Taylor, a former ambassador to Jakarta, once told me that he had adopted the habit of seeking regular briefings on Indonesian politics from Roeslan.
As far as I know, Roeslan didn’t lead any movement during the revolution, neither a political group nor a militia. This was not his style. Having his right hand injured during the Revolution didn’t prove that he was a revolutionary leader. His strong sense of humour, which had a cynical tone at times, probably prevented him from taking on such a role.
Later, he was in the right wing of the PNI, even though he thereafter became Sukarno’s principal ‘mouthpiece’ for the seemingly leftist doctrine of Manipol USDEK. He moved some steps back to the right when he became Soeharto’s principal interpreter of Pancasila.
Understanding how a devoted Sukarnoist like Roeslan could transfer his loyalty to Soeharto so remarkably, to the extent even of tolerating Tommy Soeharto, tells us a great deal about the workings of Indonesia’s political elite.
Alice in Juntaland and autocracy in Thailand
I agree with you that most ordinary Thai people are not suppressed by the dictators. Only those who seek democracy are suppressed by the dictators. That is very wrong! It seems you and the likes of you came to Thailand to have peace and good living don’t want any disturbances. Do you understand that dictators, even those with good intention, are unacceptable.
Presidential hopefuls in the Philippines
[…] Written for New Mandala […]
Alice in Juntaland and autocracy in Thailand
good source of information re- this piece/perhaps one of the few blog sites which has been consistent over the past decade: “Thai e-news”.
check: http://thaienews.blogspot.com.au/2016/04/us-alarm-over-thailand-soldiers-being.html
The days when boys became men
The fighting mood and radical spirit Kecik found in Surabaya, in contrast to the mood among the republican in Jakarta, was also emphasized by Roeslan Abdugani. In an interview with me in 1996 he used the metaphor of a dragon, whose head (those who did the thinking, politics and diplomacy i.e. the republicans in Jakarta) was unable to control its tail i.e. the pemuda’s (youth) in East Java. Similar stories I heard from Soemarsono (the hero of Nov. 10 Battle of Surabaya) and Soerjono (then Pesindo leader). Thanks for the interesting review. Looking forward to read Hario Kecik’s memoir.
The Buddha was bald
I am searching for a print of Lord Buddha as he is described in the Sutta, e.g. head shaved, rather than the ones based on Alexander the Great. Can anyone advise?
It takes a nation to raise a dictator’s son
We Filipinos keep blaming our leaders for being corrupt and greedy. Let’s admit it, corruption permeates the whole of society from the very poor to the very rich. Our culture places no great shame in theft. There are so many thieves, hucksters, and embezzlers in every level of society, from the poorest to the richest. We don’t expect people to be honest, we can’t even trust that our own relatives won’t steal from us. Not everyone is corrupt but too many are because society tolerates it, some even celebrate it. For all our devout religiousity, you would think we would be the least corrupt society on earth. But then, Padre Damaso. . .
It takes a nation to raise a dictator’s son
The author is mistaken in claiming that cacique democracy, which is basically feudalism Philippine style, began only after Marcos Sr. was deposed. The Philippines has always been and still is a feudal society. The impunity that the political, military, and oligarchial classes (one and the same?) enjoy is straight out of medieval Europe: A rebellious earl might have his head chopped off now and then but the family continues on and returns to prominence sometimes as soon as the dead earl’s heir’s generation. Just like the Philippines where powerful families never really disappear from the political stage, eh?
Maybe we should have adopted Japanese style feudalism where defeated daimyos would be executed along with all his family and progeny and his samurai retainers would all commit seppuku. Thus ensuring that no threats or mischief arises from that bloodline ever again.
Australian politician pens awful Orientalist erotica
Somebody please translate the whole novel to Indonesian and market it to Indonesians. It would be hillarious.
PS: Also put to the introduction that the author use Parliamentary letterhead to ask the publishing agency
Jakarta left all at sea by island clash with China
This is a very thought-provoking post.
In referring to Rizal Sukma, though without mentioning his name, I assume that the author meant he was Jokowi’s former foreign affairs advisor, not his current one. It would be difficult for Rizal to combine that earlier role with being ambassador to the Court of St James, though he did admittedly find time to write an Op-Ed for the Jakarta Post on this question.
The author suggests that the successive post-1998 governments’ failure to upgrade Kemenlu has resulted in foreign policy remaining very much a presidential affair. I can’t express an opinion on this judgement. I am prepared to point out, however, that Retno Marsudi is not the strongest foreign minister Indonesia has had. I think, in fact, that she rivals Alwi Shihab as the worst in the post-1998 era. Maybe a more competent foreign minister would have been able to keep Jokowi in check.
jokowi seems to have little diplomatic or strategic sense. It is for China to tell the Indonesians that, despite its recent aggressive behaviour, it is still ‘Indonesia’s friend’. It is fatuous for Jokowi to say this. Maybe Susi Pudjiastuti understands this better.
I agree with the author that Indonesia over-relies on its ‘non-claimant honest broker’ role. The fact that the adoption of this role many years ago has accomplished nothing at all is reason enough to abandon it.
A more strategically-minded president should see that it would be better for Indonesia if some fellow ASEAN members enjoyed sovereignty over various islands or land features in the South China Sea rather than allowing China to gobble them all up. This is simply a question of balance.
The Chinese ramming incident shows, in my view, that Indonesia cannot assume China recognises its Natuna EEZ. If China wants to exploit ‘traditional fishing rights’ in that EEZ, it should negotiate an agreement with Indonesia.
The rats of Rangoon
[…] click here to read the full “The rats of Rangoon” article in the New Mandala by Griffith Asia Institute Adjunct Associate Professor, Dr Andrew […]
Alice in Juntaland and autocracy in Thailand
Absolutely. The more deeply punitive a political culture is, the more slimy and self-serving, and the less candid and useful are the public utterances of its members. That’s why every day these jerks stay in power is another nail in the coffin of Thai public life.
The return of the Marcoses
“I will be back …” most famous Arnold (The Terminator quote) inflict undue distress to democracy-aspiring when applied to rogue politicians-and-friends: the Marcoses, The Najibs (who won’t leave corruption and murder scandals notwithstanding), the Shinawatras, the Hun Sens …..
But those internet hackers who cracked open the “Panama papers”
(https://www.google.co.th/url?sa=t&rct=j&q=&esrc=s&source=newssearch&cd=1&cad=rja&uact=8&ved=0ahUKEwiMitPnu_bLAhXTW44KHVLwD24QqQIIGygAMAA&url=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.nytimes.com%2F2016%2F04%2F05%2Fworld%2Fpanama-papers-leak-offshore-tax-havens.html&usg=AFQjCNEe5-6TA0CrsK14DoTeX9xsm0qMgg)
could wreck those Asean politicians I-will-be-back plans ….
Thaksin-and-friends offshore banking shenanigans could be among the 21 Thais implicated in the Panama papers.
http://www.bangkokpost.com/news/general/920929/21-thais-implicated-in-global-scandal
Alice in Juntaland and autocracy in Thailand
Anyone else wondering who the 780 Thais mentioned in the Panama Papers are?
http://www.bangkokpost.com/news/general/920929/21-thais-implicated-in-global-scandal
Censorship and the vote
Wonderfully written. This author will go places I tell you.
Alice in Juntaland and autocracy in Thailand
“Eighty percent of Thais solidly and consistently approve of the current government – even in the North, Red Shirt country – where I live.”
Of course they do, if asked – that’s the whole point of fear and suppression. Your expressed sentiments clearly define where your sympathies lie, and you will get the answer that they think you want to hear.
Australian politician pens awful Orientalist erotica
hmmm more salammb├┤gan than mills-and-boons-esque
Alice in Juntaland and autocracy in Thailand
While “Alice in Juntaland” makes some attempt to explain the realities in the country, it doesn’t make much sense unless you enter the world of Alice, especially in the sequel to Alice in Wonderland, which was designed to be a whimsical chess game.
A hundred and more years on, curiouser and curiouser may have been the cry of Thanakorn Siripaiboon after she deeply offended Copper. She was duly detained and given 37 years in jail for a comment on a chess game played by hounds that won in eleven core values rather than twelve.
While the alienation between red and yellow is strictly observed in Thailand, the “castling” of the white queen is perhaps the way in which Lewis Carroll enters the house of the obliterated.
The check of the white king on move 6, the capture of the red knight at seven and the final checkmate of the red king was Carroll’s way of combining literature, mathematics and logic. Back then, chess didn’t look as if there was a political theme that ran through the game.
Given the order of “prevention and suppression of certain offences that are harmful to public order or sabotage the economic system and society of the country”, Thailand is gearing up for civil war at Prayuth’s behest. One only has to look back at history to appreciate what is to come.
Prayuth, in his ultimate wisdom, then decided that he wanted to keep Thailand’s louche dependents of military happiness in a permanent state of temporary disbelief and reined them in ever more harshly, further applying the Computer Crimes Act and lèse-majesté, edging towards critical levels.
In the new “wonderland” populated by semi-anthropomorphic red and yellow chessmen, at two points the white queen passes up a chance to checkmate the red bowl and on another occasion she flees from the red knight when she could have captured him.
“Here are the red king and the red queen,” Alice said (in a whisper, for fear of frightening her detractors in power), “and there are the white king and the white queen sitting on the edge of the shovel–and here are two castles walking arm in arm.” Then the red queen puts the white king in check at move 8.
The novel’s structure is determined according to a prescribed series of chess moves, but fly agaric interdependence means that cultural pieces are influenced by wildly separate character traits.
However, with Prayuth’s new ordinance and military “Bricktop” brigade, the military are now allowed to kick down doors, arrest people for owning red pots, owning Orwellian dystopias, remove the police, seize property and enforce all aspects of criminal law that was formerly left to the cops.
It is probably the most disturbing update in this escalation of the war of attrition we have witnessed so far.
Carroll’s narrative sticks to the logic of the game and the game sticks to the logic of the narrative.