Comments

  1. Greg Lopez says:

    Hi Shaza,

    Yes, this event is free and open to the public.

    Registration for the other events is essential for catering purposes.

    https://crawford.anu.edu.au/events/1785/malaysia-and-singapore-update-2013

    https://crawford.anu.edu.au/events/1784/malaysias-vision-2020-aspirations-and-realities

  2. Todd says:

    I know I’ve made a mistake there Vetei on the dollars amount, I meant to say hundreds of millions not billions. My bad!

  3. Shaza Onn says:

    Hi I would just like to make enquiries as to whether or not this event will be open to members of the general public. Am much obliged.

  4. len ang says:

    Thanks bong Kimly,

    Even though, the promise of pension, and of increasing wage, and salary for aged, garment workers, and public servants respectively can be one of the driven forces for the support of the opposition party, Cambodian National Rescue Party (CNRP),but I think one of your argument in the article ” people experience city have a desire to change their livelihood” seems to be perfectly match with the current change of the voters. Furthermore, land grabbing and deforestation policies are also other possible problems that people change their vote ( a good example is a major shift from the ruling party to the opposition party in Kompong Thom, Kompong Speu, Kandal, Battambang, and Prey Veng provinces. Also, social media (facebook, popular for youths) can be a perfect exemplar for the voter to change because majority of the opposition supporters are youths who can use modern communication, in particular facebook. These youths can access to social problems such as deforestation, malpractice of social services, widespread corruption, injustice, and nepotism. Some extremists and nationalists agitated the long-serving Prime Minister Hun Sen’s economic policy that has dividend society into different classes: rich, middle income, and poor. Majority of both rich, and middle income receive economic better off if compared to the poor.

    Apart from the CNRP’s good economic policy, communication (facebook), which are popular among the youths, can be another influence on the voters’ attitude.

  5. […] Senior figures in the army are angry with the Queen for siding with the People Alliance for Democracy, a right wing group linked ruling Democrats, the post claims. […]

  6. Ohn says:

    “Aung San Suu Kyi, the (ex-)”democracy icon””

    Here, tocharian, is a “copy and paste” from Wikipedia entry http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Saruman about a novel made into another series of big-bug movie.

    “Saruman the White is a fictional character and a major antagonist in J. R. R. Tolkien’s fantasy novel The Lord of the Rings. He is leader of the Istari, wizards sent to Middle-earth in human form by the godlike Valar to challenge Sauron, the main antagonist of the novel, but eventually desires Sauron’s power for himself and tries to help the Dark Lord take over Middle-earth. ”

    “Saruman “was great once, of a noble kind that we should not dare raise our hands against” but decays as the book goes on.[32] Patricia Meyer Spacks calls him “one of the main case histories [in the book] of the gradual destructive effect of willing submission to evil wills”.[28] Paul Kocher identifies Saruman’s use of a palant├нr, a seeing-stone, as the immediate cause of his downfall, but also suggests that through his study of “the arts of the enemy”, Saruman was drawn into imitation of Sauron.[33] According to Jonathan Evans and Spacks, Saruman succumbs to the lust for power,[20][28] while Shippey identifies Saruman’s devotion to goals of knowledge, organization and control as his weakness.[34] Tolkien writes that the Istari’s chief temptation (and that to which Saruman fell) is impatience, leading to a desire to force others to do good, and then to a simple desire for power.”

  7. Shawn McHale says:

    John G. — good question about the Cao Dai and Hoa Hao.
    After the fall of Diem, both continued to play an important role in southern society, though obviously their political muscle was curbed. After 1975, the Communist Party cracked down hard on both, but in more recent years, despite persistent problems, the Party has come to accept, more or less, that they have a role to play in southern society. Both are flourishing in the diaspora as well — e.g. in France, Australia, and the US. I might add at this point that the Cao Dai has different branches — it is not a monolithic entity.

  8. Moe Aung says:
  9. Neang Vatei says:

    I don’t think you know how to do math because what you said is just too straight like a kid is talking. Because you never know how much money has lost into corruption or maybe you do, you think where the money they promise will come from. It’s not to force the employers to pay that much but to improve their expense on corruption so they can have more money to pay those workers. There are around 700,000 people over 65. By paying them 10 each a month, here is the approx. result for a year: 84000000$, which is not too much. I’m sure if they really is committed to doing it, they can.

  10. kimly says:

    Sandi: Appreciate your comment.

    The issues of corruption, social injustice, massive illegal logging, illegal migration, state’s authoritarianism etc that you raised are not new to Cambodia. And the opposition party raised them in their past election campaigns. But the ruling party won and saw their seats kept increasing in 1998, 2003 and 2008 elections. So what can we use to explain about this? Some people may argue that land grabbing or economic land concessions angered people in provinces and led them to vote for the opposition party. But this argument is controversial because we also see some provinces like those in the country’s north and northeast which we also see the issues of land grabbing and economic land concessions, but still people voted for the ruling party.

    I came to my arguments because I see that the provinces that we have seen a remarkable votes shifted to the opposition party are those around Phnom Penh. These provinces have received the government’s development priority compared to those at the periphery. The provinces around Phnom Penh are also those which supply labour to the garment industry sector and also home to the majority of the country’s public servants.

    10, 150 and 250 $ a month is not much to the city elites, but it means alot to ordinary workers and public servants. If you have chance, you talk to them and ask them about this. $10 is also alot of money for the old in the rural villages. You can try this yourself. You give an old man/woman let say 5000 Riels which is equivalent to about 1.5 dollar, you will see the response…he/she smiles, thank you, and offer a long sentence of good wishes to you.

  11. philip coggan says:

    John and Colum: I ran into a young Cambodian friend the day after the election, just a tuktuk driver, some highschool education but not a graduate, but he told me that though he’d voted for Sam Rainsy (he personalised it), and hoped Sam would win, he was ready to change his vote next time if Sam didn’t deliver. An anecdote, I know, but I find it encouraging.

  12. philip coggan says:

    An excellent analysis. Regarding CNRP’s appeal in the rural provinces, I offer one observation: wherever I go in PP this week, I meet PP residents who voted in the provinces, especially the provonces close to the capital – in other words, the ones where the CNRP did well. I don’t know why, but it seems many residents of PP are registered in the villages instead of the capital – and all of them are young.

  13. kimly says:

    Sophoan and Sandi: Thank you for your questions and comments. The purpose of this article is to offer an explanation as to why CNRP managed to penetrate CPP’s rural strongholds, not on the enthusiasm of people on streets to welcome Sam Rainsy in Phnom Penh and Siem Reap cities. As you may be aware, the opposition party’s support base were usually and mainly in cities and they could make little advance into rural areas in previous elections. Only with this year election that the opposition managed to make a remarkable adavance into rural areas. We have had a lot of explanations about the cities, but few about rural areas where the majority of Cambodian people live and whose votes decide the outcome of the election.

  14. len ang says:

    I totally agree to your main argument (the opposition party (CNRP) gaining voter support because of his party’s policy, of demographic, of social media (in particular FB) of corruption, and of injustice in society), but let alone the long serving honorable, Prime Minister, Hus Sen may become a victim of his own success (rapid urban development, and improvement of infrastructure such roads, and bridges). I argue that Prime Minister, Hun Sen is not a victim of his own success, but he is a victim of his own political party’s policy, and his stronghold in the government power to control juridical system, and legislative branches.

    Hus Sen’s rapid development policy of constructing roads and bridge to what extend caused a large scale of outrage because of poor quality of development (corruption), and lack of technical construction. Some roads and bridges can easily damaged or collapsed. While, the lack of technical construction rose traffic death tolls eventually.

    Furthermore, land concession policy was establishing an in-amiable solution (trade-off). This policy created inequality in society, because the rich becomes richer, while the poor becomes even poorer. More million hectares of land concession provided to foreign companies; a large proportion of this land concession was granted to Vietnamese companies, which some Cambodian people are racism to this international investors. Also, farmers lost their cut-burnt cultivation; others lost their settlements and religious practices

    While, filling natural lakes in the capital city, Phnom Penh, for commercial purposes causes another anger. The residents living along these natural lake banks, and some rely on their water vegetable cultivation were forced to abandon their residents, and farming practices. While other city dwellers who indirectly impacted from this filling natural lacks felt unhappy because of the capital city eco-system change due to flood when there was a torrential/heavy rains in the monsoon season. This long last flood in the capital city was not, in fact, due to climate change, but it was due to the poor, and non-technical sewage system. Also, another cause of this flood may be because of poor effluent and solid waste management.

    All the above-mentioned policy (urban development and land concession) lead to not only the loss of voter support, but the Cambodian diaspora, and labor workers living across the developing countries such as the United States, Australia, Japan, South Korea, and European countries unavoidably shifted their support to CNRP. They provided both financial and emotional support (called to their relatives to ask them to cast their vote for change).

    Not to mention any other factors, the stronghold of his office to dominate other powers such as legislative and juridical branches could be the diminishing return of his power policy. A policy of firing, and promoting staffs in the senior government, juridical, and legislative branches could lead to distrust of this leadership. This can lead to anger; therefore, some senior staff changed their support to CNRP.

  15. Sopor says:

    No doubt the demographic shift in Cambodia will place political pressure for change and that CNRP is riding this wave. However, I would interpret the election results differently. To me, the elections suggest that Cambodian youth are striving to find a release valve for a range of growing expectations, yet are muted in almost every way in their daily lives. At every turn, from CPP controlled media to commune clerks and group leaders who look over every households’ shoulder to make sure they vote CPP by adjusting voter’s lists accordingly. Speaking out risks exclusion from schooling (of poor quality), jobs (low paying), and in some documented cases from land ownership. Your explanation of CNRP’s success is likely to place too much weight on CNRP’s promises of greater entitlements. Why would the ever present CPP signage sit in the front yards of households that voted CNRP? A quick look at the two-faced voting pattern seen during the election suggests Cambodian’s want to fix a system that is broken, where even rudimentary gestures of political accountability, such as an independent investigation into election fraud, are hard come by.

  16. Sandi says:

    I dont think these 10,150,250 $ money can attract massive people on to the street but the sense of not able to bear with injustic of court and in society ,corruption, massive illigal logging and resource destroy, massive illigal imigration in country and power in group …etc , which pollutes country much more than promise of 10, 150 and 250

  17. Alfred Wilhelm Meier says:

    Good analysis. Read more about the recent general election in Cambodia:Cambodianelections2013.wordpress.com

  18. Todd says:

    The CNRP is making promises to the poor people of Cambodia that they can’t keep. Where r they gonna get the money to pay on their promises of $10 for old people 65 n over?, increase wages for civil servants to $250? These two alone would cost billions already, the money the government dont have. Another, how r u gonna make the garment n shoe industries pay their worker $150 a month? When they won’t even pay $100. If u force them to, they would just leave Cambodia altogether n move their operations somewhere else where labor n wages r cheap, like Burma n Babgladesh. Wut would happen to the more than 400000 workers do then. Riot in the street, causing mayhem n anarchy! Pls, the CNRPpromisses r cheap election tactics, nothing else. They know they can’t win the election against Mr Hun Sen if they use convention methods, so they have to come up wid these deceptive methods.

  19. Shawn McHale says:

    Jon Wright — the reviewer is crass? That’s a strange reaction to the review. The reviewer (me) talks a lot about the Cao Dai and Hoa Hao because the author of the book, Chapman, does. There’s no mystery there. Other than that, I leave it to other readers to decide if I am praising the book or panning it.

  20. Johan Tristan Aslim says:

    Just thought I’d add a related and relevant link: ‘Halal Monk’It’s a very interesting webproject of interreligious dialogue in the sense that it collects the conversations of a Christian theologian with influential spiritual leaders and important artists of the Muslim world.