I’m sorry, but let’s be fair. Ohn talks about “the rural way of peaceful, traditional and wonderful lives”. Who’s being elitist and nostalgic? Is sounds like picturesque poverty to me, best viewed from a distance. Most people in the rural areas are oppressively poor and desperate to send their children to schools and cities to improve their lives. Urbanisation will come — unless military rule returns. The point is to make it as productive, equitable and human as possible. The choice is not cities or rural life. The choice is between going “the way of other Asian cities – heavily polluted, with terrible traffic congestion, big concrete towers and little or nothing to distinguish it from any other Asian city” or aspiring to something better. This won’t solve all the problems and shouldn’t be at the expense of social and economic goals. But it is addressing one challenge, and if done right will more than pay for itself in the medium term. It’s up to others to have the foresight to address the many other serious challenges the country will face as it opens up.
Laos is overrun by NGOs, getting rid of more than a few of them can only be a good thing. Pick up a local newspaper in Vientaine airport you will see job after job, all NGO roles.
I met lots of these NGOs in my travels, they tend to drive nice cars and hang out in all the bars and clubs.
I’d like to add just a little to the comments by Matt and Scot above. For a time, there was quite an ANU group there, with myself, Scott Bamber and Andrew Brown also working in and around the National Library when Scot and Matt were there. I trust my memory isn’t faulty, for this was 26 or 27 years ago. I do recall plenty of sharing of insights gained from the different reading each of us was doing and it was a most productive time.
Soon after that period of intensive research and fine collegiality, I compiled a set of notes that was about labour, industry and rural conditions in Thailand from about 1850 to 1942. It isn’t comprehensive. There are sections on the period around 1932 that I think retain some interest.
For anyone who wants them, the 44 pages of notes are at: http://kevinhewison.wordpress.com/1980-89/, in essentially the same form as when I compiled them in 1986. The title to look for is “Forgotten Facts: Industrial Development, Labour, and Rural Life in Thailand, 1850-1942.”
Keith, I think my response was more to the anonymous comment #2. But in general I think that any rapid rural appraisal of this sort (done in less than 3 weeks, and under epistemological constraints, as your piece notes) cannot be taken as more than something to start a conversation, and to come up with some lines for future research (as Li’s review notes). A long-term look at what happens with dams and such is much needed, and I look forward to the follow-up posts.
It’s also interesting to note that no less of an anthropologist than Professor Tania Murray Li, then at Dalhousie University in Halifax– and now Canada Research Chair in Political Economy and Culture of Asia at University of Toronto– apparently found Ovesen’s characterisation of the Hai-Hinboun communities and the locally beneficial outcomes of the Theun-Hinboun hydropower project convincing.
At a time when conducting research in Laos was very difficult, and as the country was just opening up after almost two decades of Communist isolation, Ovesen’s study was likely not without its pro-hydropower ideological effects, and at least some informed academics were reading the study at the time of its publication.
The Canadian Review of Sociology and Anthropology. August 1994. 31(3): 362-363.
Book Reviews
Ing-Britt Trankell, On the Road in Laos: An Anthropological Study of Road Construction and Rural Communities. Uppsala Research Reports in Cultural Anthropology, No. 12, 1983.
Jan Ovesen, Anthropological Reconnaissance in Central Laos: A Survey of Local Communities in a Hydropower Project Area. Uppsala Research Reports in Cultural Anthropology, No. 13, 1993.
p. 362:
“….If Trankell’s study draws the rather standard anthropological conclusion that development is a bad thing, particularly from the point of view of class and gender inequality, Ovesen’s provides a market contrast. The hydropower project proposed for the area did not involve major flooding or compulsory resettlement. Some communities could remain in the vicinity, but, he argues, only for the protection of their rights to forest resources from incoming hydro construction workers. He considers that the hydro area (Nam Theun/nam Gnouang) is currently populated and farmed beyond its carrying capacity, and much of the population should be encouraged and assisted to move to the neighbouring Nam Hai plain, which has potential for irrigation. His study indicates that, unlike other upland and indigenous peoples who are deeply attached to their ancestral lands, these communities have migrated into the area in the past few decades, as a result of war and the search for better land. Some indicated to him that they would be willing to move on again, especially if assisted. Again, contrary to the standard dichotomy between upland/swidden and lowland/padi peoples of Southeast Asia, he shows that most of the communities are involved in a mix of farming practices. Even those already on actual or potential padi land could use some training in padi cultivation, since they too are relative newcomers to the area and not very skilled at it. Ethnic identities are correspondingly much more complex than dichotomous models (employed also by the Laotian government) imply. The picture presented, then, is one of ethnic identities, farming practices, systems of land rights, relations with government authorities, and the physical location of communities in considerable flux. Anthropological reconnaissance proves its usefulness here, both for practical planning, and to highlight issues for further research.”
Not sure how this study could be considered as an example of engaged anthropology, given:
– a clear anti-swidden agriculture bias, dressed up as anti-romantic hard-headed realism
– combined with an apparent inability to consider that a major inter-basin transfer hydropower project might produce some social-ecological externalities for a vulnerable local population
– and the promotion of project mitigation measures based on sweeping programs of population resettlement, and vague ideas about inducing local people to take up alternative intensive agriculture based on a pie-in-the-sky irrigation mega-project scheme.
If that’s an example of “more with it” applied anthropology, that’s setting the bar fairly low, even for the early 1990s?
My intention is not to overstate the importance of the study, as you mention it was a minor research report based on short term fieldwork. However, for understanding the environmental history of the Hinboun watershed, it deserves a mention.
It’s an interesting document which shows how one outside anthropological expert was understanding the social ecology of the Hinboun, before the ‘age of hydropower’ in central-southern Laos.
Can this be correct: “While the estimated cost of the dam is USD $1.7764 million, the environmental and social costs are estimated at USD $20 million.” B? Billion? Thousand million?
Matt, just to endorse Thongchai’s comment. Please publish it. Many of us have used your data, but the work as a whole is much more powerful than a few excerpts. There’s no need to “improve” it for publication.
IMO, since the mid or late 1980s, the studies of Thai political history since 1932 has been very exciting. It has gone far beyond Thawatt’s and Batson’s. Copeland’s PhD, which is widely read among Thai historians of mod political history, contributes to this excitement. But for the most part, scholarship by Thais in Thai language is breathtaking, in terms of quantity, new questions, data/findings, ideas and interpretations, and for the “expose” of the role of the monarchy in politics. Nakarin’s works (regardless of his politics today)and Charnvit’s “rehab” of Pridi Phanomyong in the mid-1980s marked (led to?)the beginning of this historiographical shift. Since the 2006 coup, the surge intensifies.
Thant Myint-U on Yangon
I’m sorry, but let’s be fair. Ohn talks about “the rural way of peaceful, traditional and wonderful lives”. Who’s being elitist and nostalgic? Is sounds like picturesque poverty to me, best viewed from a distance. Most people in the rural areas are oppressively poor and desperate to send their children to schools and cities to improve their lives. Urbanisation will come — unless military rule returns. The point is to make it as productive, equitable and human as possible. The choice is not cities or rural life. The choice is between going “the way of other Asian cities – heavily polluted, with terrible traffic congestion, big concrete towers and little or nothing to distinguish it from any other Asian city” or aspiring to something better. This won’t solve all the problems and shouldn’t be at the expense of social and economic goals. But it is addressing one challenge, and if done right will more than pay for itself in the medium term. It’s up to others to have the foresight to address the many other serious challenges the country will face as it opens up.
Distressing developments in Laos
Laos is overrun by NGOs, getting rid of more than a few of them can only be a good thing. Pick up a local newspaper in Vientaine airport you will see job after job, all NGO roles.
I met lots of these NGOs in my travels, they tend to drive nice cars and hang out in all the bars and clubs.
Get rid of them from all of ASEAN
1932/2012: Reflecting on revolution
It would be nice to have the articles etc. on academia.edu.
Tradition dictates…
http://www.jibjab.com/view/tLno1GoCSzG4XikZTUKTFg?mt=1
Very good Nich!
Merry Christmas and a very Happy New Year.
1932/2012: Reflecting on revolution
Copeland’s work can be found here:
http://mahidol.academia.edu/MatthewCopeland
https://docs.google.com/file/d/0B0I4yyxCfUltdGFobF9nRTRRZG8/edit?pli=1
Appreciate all the input and sources from everyone. Would love to have English translations of these Thai sources.
1932/2012: Reflecting on revolution
Very useful notes (and web pages) indeed. Thanks for making them available.
Australia’s insurgent intellectual
Furthermore, readers following Des’ work will find this article useful.
It is also relevant that the Lowy Institute lists Insurgent Intellectual as one of its “books of the year“.
Best wishes to all,
Nicholas
1932/2012: Reflecting on revolution
I’d like to add just a little to the comments by Matt and Scot above. For a time, there was quite an ANU group there, with myself, Scott Bamber and Andrew Brown also working in and around the National Library when Scot and Matt were there. I trust my memory isn’t faulty, for this was 26 or 27 years ago. I do recall plenty of sharing of insights gained from the different reading each of us was doing and it was a most productive time.
Soon after that period of intensive research and fine collegiality, I compiled a set of notes that was about labour, industry and rural conditions in Thailand from about 1850 to 1942. It isn’t comprehensive. There are sections on the period around 1932 that I think retain some interest.
For anyone who wants them, the 44 pages of notes are at: http://kevinhewison.wordpress.com/1980-89/, in essentially the same form as when I compiled them in 1986. The title to look for is “Forgotten Facts: Industrial Development, Labour, and Rural Life in Thailand, 1850-1942.”
Australia’s insurgent intellectual
Thanks Mark,
Good to hear of your interest. It is published by the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies Press in Singapore.
Best wishes,
Nicholas
Australia’s insurgent intellectual
Can you tell me who published insurgent intellectual?
I am from Readings Bookshop in Melbourne and would like to carry it.
Anthropology and the Lao hydropower industry
Keith, I think my response was more to the anonymous comment #2. But in general I think that any rapid rural appraisal of this sort (done in less than 3 weeks, and under epistemological constraints, as your piece notes) cannot be taken as more than something to start a conversation, and to come up with some lines for future research (as Li’s review notes). A long-term look at what happens with dams and such is much needed, and I look forward to the follow-up posts.
Anthropology and the Lao hydropower industry
It’s also interesting to note that no less of an anthropologist than Professor Tania Murray Li, then at Dalhousie University in Halifax– and now Canada Research Chair in Political Economy and Culture of Asia at University of Toronto– apparently found Ovesen’s characterisation of the Hai-Hinboun communities and the locally beneficial outcomes of the Theun-Hinboun hydropower project convincing.
At a time when conducting research in Laos was very difficult, and as the country was just opening up after almost two decades of Communist isolation, Ovesen’s study was likely not without its pro-hydropower ideological effects, and at least some informed academics were reading the study at the time of its publication.
The Canadian Review of Sociology and Anthropology. August 1994. 31(3): 362-363.
Book Reviews
Ing-Britt Trankell, On the Road in Laos: An Anthropological Study of Road Construction and Rural Communities. Uppsala Research Reports in Cultural Anthropology, No. 12, 1983.
Jan Ovesen, Anthropological Reconnaissance in Central Laos: A Survey of Local Communities in a Hydropower Project Area. Uppsala Research Reports in Cultural Anthropology, No. 13, 1993.
p. 362:
“….If Trankell’s study draws the rather standard anthropological conclusion that development is a bad thing, particularly from the point of view of class and gender inequality, Ovesen’s provides a market contrast. The hydropower project proposed for the area did not involve major flooding or compulsory resettlement. Some communities could remain in the vicinity, but, he argues, only for the protection of their rights to forest resources from incoming hydro construction workers. He considers that the hydro area (Nam Theun/nam Gnouang) is currently populated and farmed beyond its carrying capacity, and much of the population should be encouraged and assisted to move to the neighbouring Nam Hai plain, which has potential for irrigation. His study indicates that, unlike other upland and indigenous peoples who are deeply attached to their ancestral lands, these communities have migrated into the area in the past few decades, as a result of war and the search for better land. Some indicated to him that they would be willing to move on again, especially if assisted. Again, contrary to the standard dichotomy between upland/swidden and lowland/padi peoples of Southeast Asia, he shows that most of the communities are involved in a mix of farming practices. Even those already on actual or potential padi land could use some training in padi cultivation, since they too are relative newcomers to the area and not very skilled at it. Ethnic identities are correspondingly much more complex than dichotomous models (employed also by the Laotian government) imply. The picture presented, then, is one of ethnic identities, farming practices, systems of land rights, relations with government authorities, and the physical location of communities in considerable flux. Anthropological reconnaissance proves its usefulness here, both for practical planning, and to highlight issues for further research.”
– Tania Murray Li, Dalhousie University
China and the Wa
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Anthropology and the Lao hydropower industry
Hi Leif:
Not sure how this study could be considered as an example of engaged anthropology, given:
– a clear anti-swidden agriculture bias, dressed up as anti-romantic hard-headed realism
– combined with an apparent inability to consider that a major inter-basin transfer hydropower project might produce some social-ecological externalities for a vulnerable local population
– and the promotion of project mitigation measures based on sweeping programs of population resettlement, and vague ideas about inducing local people to take up alternative intensive agriculture based on a pie-in-the-sky irrigation mega-project scheme.
If that’s an example of “more with it” applied anthropology, that’s setting the bar fairly low, even for the early 1990s?
My intention is not to overstate the importance of the study, as you mention it was a minor research report based on short term fieldwork. However, for understanding the environmental history of the Hinboun watershed, it deserves a mention.
It’s an interesting document which shows how one outside anthropological expert was understanding the social ecology of the Hinboun, before the ‘age of hydropower’ in central-southern Laos.
1932/2012: Reflecting on revolution
Thongchai, Chris – thanks for the encouragement.
Development looms on the Mekong
Can this be correct: “While the estimated cost of the dam is USD $1.7764 million, the environmental and social costs are estimated at USD $20 million.” B? Billion? Thousand million?
1932/2012: Reflecting on revolution
Matt, just to endorse Thongchai’s comment. Please publish it. Many of us have used your data, but the work as a whole is much more powerful than a few excerpts. There’s no need to “improve” it for publication.
1932/2012: Reflecting on revolution
Thongchai,
Perhaps, you could provide us with a reading list of 10-20 Thai-language works on the subject? Would be much appreciated.
1932/2012: Reflecting on revolution
Matt, We need your “book”.
IMO, since the mid or late 1980s, the studies of Thai political history since 1932 has been very exciting. It has gone far beyond Thawatt’s and Batson’s. Copeland’s PhD, which is widely read among Thai historians of mod political history, contributes to this excitement. But for the most part, scholarship by Thais in Thai language is breathtaking, in terms of quantity, new questions, data/findings, ideas and interpretations, and for the “expose” of the role of the monarchy in politics. Nakarin’s works (regardless of his politics today)and Charnvit’s “rehab” of Pridi Phanomyong in the mid-1980s marked (led to?)the beginning of this historiographical shift. Since the 2006 coup, the surge intensifies.
Symptoms of a dirty business
IMO, the labour recruitment agents in the countries of origins deserve to be punished by mob justice by the exploited workers and their kith and kins