Dear NEW MANDALA, I want to know clearly that Brigadier General (Retired) Aung Gyi (The one who advised Ne Win to do businesses by Military) and one of NLD founders, Aung Gyi are the same person?
Aren’t there parallels here with vote buying? People aren’t stupid. They don’t stop recognising the nature of the state just because they are receiving handouts.
A highly-commendable round-up of the persistent land-issue problems that have blighted Cambodia over the past two decades. Indeed ever since the government abandoned the World Bank multi-donor led “Land Management and Administration Project (LMAP)”, the truth is all pretensions to solve problems have failed because vested interests have trumped the rights of all others. It was a key element in the ill-fated LMAP project – rights to prior consultation; legal assistance, and proper compensation for people affected – that authorities and vested interests refused to honour.
Alice Beban-France also explains a salient home truth about the way decisions are made in Cambodia. Too often explicit orders are really to be ignored by those who should carry them out. Conversely things to be done to advance powerful interests come about from implied hints or nuances. How else do you explain the death of Civil Society Analyist Kem Ley with no apparent evidence of official direction? It’s a phenomenon of Cambodia politics known about but rarely touched upon until now. http://anorthumbrianabroad.blogspot.com/2016/07/careless-talk-costs-lives.html
Thank you Nich for your very kind comments. Working with you on New Mandala was one of the highlights of my career; a wonderful adventure that has borne much fruit, not all of it sweet. I am proud that New Mandala continues to provide such great commentary on Southeast Asia, though I do miss the crazy comments!
One of the best analysis of the current Cambodia political situation. The country is certainly stuck in a time-frame whereby too long-time adversaries Hun Sen and Sam Rainsy are still dominating and playing-off each other, when events and people, as Katrin Travouillin argues have moved on. Both are yet to realise this. One is cut-off abroad from the realities on the ground. The other is just as cut-off due to his cosseted overly-protected life that does not give him real contact with ordinary people. People, especially young people, want to move on, instead of relentlessly returning to re-fight old scores and battles. Yes, many of them – even the most fervent from both once communist and royalist allegiances – want a new third way. The problem is, so far in a country that only knows strong charismatic leaders, ones who can lead a third way have not yet emerged or been allowed to emerge. That will change. The Sihanouk era never saw Hun Sen emerge to eclipse him. Hun Hen is now making the same mistake.
It has been one of the greatest honors in my life having published so many articles at New Mandala, thanks to Nicholas Farrelly who edited and published my work, and to Michael H. Nelson, who persuaded me in 2008 to write my thoughts down and publish them in New Mandala.
At first thought it rather useless to publish my articles at a small academic blog without much reach and no money paid, but in the end i believed it better to at least have an outlet where people who have a deep interest in Asia and Thailand get a different perspective on the Red-Yellow conflict than what was presented by the traditional media.
And what a ride it turned out to be over the next years – the record on the Red-Yellow conflict i published there became at the same time a record of the most intense period in my life, with some of the best and worst times, and my artciled reaching a mass audience i would have never dreamed of having, both through New Mandala and the translations of especially Prachatai.
All the best, Nich, in Tasmania
New Mandala has been one great source of inspiration for us, especially in the early years. Thank you, Nicholas and everyone in the team for the excellent work all these years.
I’d like to add some, perhaps uncommon, insight to one aspect of this article as well as add something to ponder.
Per the mention of King Bimbisara spotting the Buddha and trying to recruit him, as someone who has been boxing, wrestling, doing Muay Thai, BJJ and MMA since 1984 and coaching from 2001-2016 I can tell you that anyone who trains can pick out someone else who trains.
If not by their appearance – cauliflower ears, scars, musculature definition, jawline (though there are of course exceptions) – then by their presence or aura. Not in some mystical silly way, but in the way a person walks, carries himself, his posture.
If I was to walk up to a group of strangers, I am confident without any conversation but just observing for a minute, who trains. You just know – it’s a fraternity.
As to deptictions of the Buddha, I’d like to make the point that the depictions made of him with a variety of hairstyles and “hero” like physical appearances grew – at least, initially – out of respect for his wishes to not be depicted. As you mention, artistically he would be represented as footprints. There are some depictions I’ve come across that use sandals.
From that, artists who wanted to depict him – perhaps feeling something was missing from the piece of art, or perhaps being non-Buddhist and not caring or knowing about the Buddha’s wishes to be depiced aniconically – did so anthropomorphically.
To many cultures, even today, there is something mystical, mysterious, even magical about the Buddha so he would be depicted as a “hero” or with hyperbole. Of course, there are those who were oblivious of those wishes so just depicted him as artists usually do: in an original and creative way. Some would have just been going off of Mahayana or Vahrayana depictions, thinking they were accurate.
Lastly, there is the case of the Trikaya. Many depictions of him with hair or as a “hero” were not meant to be accurate depictions of the Nirmanakaya, but of the infinite varieties that the Sambhogakaya may appear.
It is refreshing to see a learned and entertaining article here that is not overtly political. In discussing the Western presentation of Eastern documents and history as inadvertently downgrading Eastern resources and innovations, the paper is a short and more eloquent means of advancing what I was striving to do through the rich commonalities across Southeast Asia. [In ‘An Introduction to Southeast Asia: Syncretism in Commonalities” – accessible online] .
I would also suggest that resources such as the ‘Thaksinkadi’ (สถาบนั ทกั ษิณคดศี กึ ษา – Southern Thai Folk) museum in Songkhla are underutilized by local and foreign scholars. Such resources transcend national borders and their modern versions of their own histories.
Whatever his motives for including Prabowo in the cabinet, Jokowi’s choice expresses Jokowi’s fondness for surrounding himself with retired military officers no matter how old they may be. The last presidential chief of staff of Jokowi’s first term was the retired four-star general, Moeldoko. Given that he could consult Moeldoko every day, it is odd that Jokowi should have justified his appointment of Prabowo, who left the army two decades ago, by gushing over the 67 year-old Prabowo’s prowess in defence matters.
Jokowi was also once served by a 72 year-old retired major-general as head of BIN. He was the chair of an insignificant political party that didn’t even have a DPR seat.
While Prabowo succeeds another veteran in the defence portfolio, Ryamizard Ryacudu, he of “there are sixty thousand spies in Indonesia” revelation, Jokowi has gone further in appointing a military officer as minister for health and another as minister for religious affairs. As Liam Gammon points out in his accompanying post, there has not been a retired military officer in the latter post since the New Order, when Alamsyah, the former head of Soeharto’s private staff (SPRI), was put in charge of religious affairs as he slowly wended his way off the political stage.
Jokowi’s trusted first chief of staff, retired lieutenant-general Luhut Panjaitan, is still at the forefront. He may have personally taken two new scalps, fishery minister Susi Pujiastuti, with whom he had a notoriously bad relationship, and Thomas Lembong, a remarkably fluent American English speaker who was a great favourite with foreign diplomats and economists.
Luhut seems to combine to some extent the roles of prime minister and New Order-style state secretary. Now at least he is formally entitled to discuss investment, a subject he often addressed in the past few years. Handing investment over to the maritime affairs coordinating minister could be Jokowi’s last genuflection to the apparently defunct Global Maritime Fulcrum concept that he unveiled five years ago.
At 72, Luhut shares the honour of being the oldest minister along with his colleague in the new religious affairs post. Ma’ruf Amin, it hardly needs mentioning, is Indonesia’s oldest ever vice-president. What lies beneath Jokowi’s predilection for the aged or the ageing has yet to be explained.
Where Jokowi has broken new ground in this cabinet is his appointment of national police chief Tito Karnavian as home affairs minister after shunting off the PDIP incumbent to a lesser portfolio. Whereas the police were represented by a minister in Sukarno’s later cabinets, Tito is probably the first police officer to obtain a portfolio since Soeharto’s fall, a further sign of Jokowi’s startling deference to men in uniform.
As M.C. Ricklefs observed in his now classic Yogyakarta under Sultan Mangkubum 1749-1792: A History of the Division of Java, striving for elite consensus is one of the most based principles of Javanese politics. It could well be the case that including Prabowo in the cabinet was a contemporary example. Including him forestalls the possibility that he would encourage active, and potentially violent opposition.
What can people in Indonesia who are suffering from depression do to get the support & care they need? Are there governmental agencies or NGOs they can contact? Are there women’s groups that young women wanting to better their lives (e.g., by going to college, gaining careers), but frustrated by their families’ expectations & financial burdens can contact or attend?
Hla Oo is wrong. Sin-Byu-Ma-Shin was not Chief Queen of King Min Don. Actually Chief Queen was Sekyardevi, Min Don elder (half ) sister and the sister of King Pagan.
I will be visiting Vientiane soon and I really want to visit the cemetery where the ashes of President Phomvihane are located since 2012. Can you tell me de exact adres or spot on the map where this cemetery is located? Because I am searching for days now and I can’t find nothing.
The legal reality is that West Papua is not part of Indonesia but is a Indonesian administrated non-self-governing and trust territory, a territory for which Australia, Indonesia and the United Nations have a legal obligation (UN Charter article 76) to “promote” towards independence.
“Administrator” is also the terminology used by the United Nations in the last known business record concerning the territory which states:
“Administrative History
The United Nations Temporary Authority in West Irian (UNTEA) was formed to administer West Irian, which is located on the island of New Guinea. In 1963 Dutch New Guinea became Irian Barat, which in 1973 changed its name to Irian Jaya and is currently administered by Indonesia.”
A peer reviewed examination of West Papua’s legal status is available in the Griffith Journal of Law & Human Dignity, volume 6 issue 2 (2018), “West Papua Exposed: An Abandoned Non-Self-Governing and Trust Territory”
Read the article above. Apparently alot differs. But I’m very surprised how the stateless were treated still in today’s modern world. We are not surprised at all more than 20yrs back many migrated. It’s all abour sense of belonging feeling of security in your own home motherland where you are born.
I feel for those affected including the local spouse and whole family. It’s very important and wish the government will help out. Thks
This is an interesting paper. I may suggest to incorporate ‘power dynamics’ in participatory process. People hesitate to be actively engage with the discussions due to several processes i.e patronage.
When participation is low and exclusive, it may be useful to look closely at institutional barriers that block people (especially poor women) to participate. This could be rules/ regulations or other settings.
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Burma in Limbo – Part 5
Most interesting to read the true situation. I look forward to understanding more.
Aung Gyi’s letters to Ne Win
Dear NEW MANDALA, I want to know clearly that Brigadier General (Retired) Aung Gyi (The one who advised Ne Win to do businesses by Military) and one of NLD founders, Aung Gyi are the same person?
Pracharat welfare depoliticises Thailand’s “political peasants”
Aren’t there parallels here with vote buying? People aren’t stupid. They don’t stop recognising the nature of the state just because they are receiving handouts.
Land, emotions and the durability of power in Cambodia
A highly-commendable round-up of the persistent land-issue problems that have blighted Cambodia over the past two decades. Indeed ever since the government abandoned the World Bank multi-donor led “Land Management and Administration Project (LMAP)”, the truth is all pretensions to solve problems have failed because vested interests have trumped the rights of all others. It was a key element in the ill-fated LMAP project – rights to prior consultation; legal assistance, and proper compensation for people affected – that authorities and vested interests refused to honour.
Alice Beban-France also explains a salient home truth about the way decisions are made in Cambodia. Too often explicit orders are really to be ignored by those who should carry them out. Conversely things to be done to advance powerful interests come about from implied hints or nuances. How else do you explain the death of Civil Society Analyist Kem Ley with no apparent evidence of official direction? It’s a phenomenon of Cambodia politics known about but rarely touched upon until now. http://anorthumbrianabroad.blogspot.com/2016/07/careless-talk-costs-lives.html
Farewell from a founder
Thank you Nich for your very kind comments. Working with you on New Mandala was one of the highlights of my career; a wonderful adventure that has borne much fruit, not all of it sweet. I am proud that New Mandala continues to provide such great commentary on Southeast Asia, though I do miss the crazy comments!
Rainsy’s point of no return
One of the best analysis of the current Cambodia political situation. The country is certainly stuck in a time-frame whereby too long-time adversaries Hun Sen and Sam Rainsy are still dominating and playing-off each other, when events and people, as Katrin Travouillin argues have moved on. Both are yet to realise this. One is cut-off abroad from the realities on the ground. The other is just as cut-off due to his cosseted overly-protected life that does not give him real contact with ordinary people. People, especially young people, want to move on, instead of relentlessly returning to re-fight old scores and battles. Yes, many of them – even the most fervent from both once communist and royalist allegiances – want a new third way. The problem is, so far in a country that only knows strong charismatic leaders, ones who can lead a third way have not yet emerged or been allowed to emerge. That will change. The Sihanouk era never saw Hun Sen emerge to eclipse him. Hun Hen is now making the same mistake.
Farewell from a founder
It has been one of the greatest honors in my life having published so many articles at New Mandala, thanks to Nicholas Farrelly who edited and published my work, and to Michael H. Nelson, who persuaded me in 2008 to write my thoughts down and publish them in New Mandala.
At first thought it rather useless to publish my articles at a small academic blog without much reach and no money paid, but in the end i believed it better to at least have an outlet where people who have a deep interest in Asia and Thailand get a different perspective on the Red-Yellow conflict than what was presented by the traditional media.
And what a ride it turned out to be over the next years – the record on the Red-Yellow conflict i published there became at the same time a record of the most intense period in my life, with some of the best and worst times, and my artciled reaching a mass audience i would have never dreamed of having, both through New Mandala and the translations of especially Prachatai.
All the best, Nich, in Tasmania
Farewell from a founder
New Mandala has been one great source of inspiration for us, especially in the early years. Thank you, Nicholas and everyone in the team for the excellent work all these years.
The Buddha was bald
A great read, very enjoyable.
I’d like to add some, perhaps uncommon, insight to one aspect of this article as well as add something to ponder.
Per the mention of King Bimbisara spotting the Buddha and trying to recruit him, as someone who has been boxing, wrestling, doing Muay Thai, BJJ and MMA since 1984 and coaching from 2001-2016 I can tell you that anyone who trains can pick out someone else who trains.
If not by their appearance – cauliflower ears, scars, musculature definition, jawline (though there are of course exceptions) – then by their presence or aura. Not in some mystical silly way, but in the way a person walks, carries himself, his posture.
If I was to walk up to a group of strangers, I am confident without any conversation but just observing for a minute, who trains. You just know – it’s a fraternity.
As to deptictions of the Buddha, I’d like to make the point that the depictions made of him with a variety of hairstyles and “hero” like physical appearances grew – at least, initially – out of respect for his wishes to not be depicted. As you mention, artistically he would be represented as footprints. There are some depictions I’ve come across that use sandals.
From that, artists who wanted to depict him – perhaps feeling something was missing from the piece of art, or perhaps being non-Buddhist and not caring or knowing about the Buddha’s wishes to be depiced aniconically – did so anthropomorphically.
To many cultures, even today, there is something mystical, mysterious, even magical about the Buddha so he would be depicted as a “hero” or with hyperbole. Of course, there are those who were oblivious of those wishes so just depicted him as artists usually do: in an original and creative way. Some would have just been going off of Mahayana or Vahrayana depictions, thinking they were accurate.
Lastly, there is the case of the Trikaya. Many depictions of him with hair or as a “hero” were not meant to be accurate depictions of the Nirmanakaya, but of the infinite varieties that the Sambhogakaya may appear.
Thanks again, for a great read.
The medieval tropics
I wonder why the keris in the Tropen Museum is displayed upside down.
The medieval tropics
It is refreshing to see a learned and entertaining article here that is not overtly political. In discussing the Western presentation of Eastern documents and history as inadvertently downgrading Eastern resources and innovations, the paper is a short and more eloquent means of advancing what I was striving to do through the rich commonalities across Southeast Asia. [In ‘An Introduction to Southeast Asia: Syncretism in Commonalities” – accessible online] .
I would also suggest that resources such as the ‘Thaksinkadi’ (สถาบนั ทกั ษิณคดศี กึ ษา – Southern Thai Folk) museum in Songkhla are underutilized by local and foreign scholars. Such resources transcend national borders and their modern versions of their own histories.
Jokowinomics gambles with Indonesia’s democratisation
Whatever his motives for including Prabowo in the cabinet, Jokowi’s choice expresses Jokowi’s fondness for surrounding himself with retired military officers no matter how old they may be. The last presidential chief of staff of Jokowi’s first term was the retired four-star general, Moeldoko. Given that he could consult Moeldoko every day, it is odd that Jokowi should have justified his appointment of Prabowo, who left the army two decades ago, by gushing over the 67 year-old Prabowo’s prowess in defence matters.
Jokowi was also once served by a 72 year-old retired major-general as head of BIN. He was the chair of an insignificant political party that didn’t even have a DPR seat.
While Prabowo succeeds another veteran in the defence portfolio, Ryamizard Ryacudu, he of “there are sixty thousand spies in Indonesia” revelation, Jokowi has gone further in appointing a military officer as minister for health and another as minister for religious affairs. As Liam Gammon points out in his accompanying post, there has not been a retired military officer in the latter post since the New Order, when Alamsyah, the former head of Soeharto’s private staff (SPRI), was put in charge of religious affairs as he slowly wended his way off the political stage.
Jokowi’s trusted first chief of staff, retired lieutenant-general Luhut Panjaitan, is still at the forefront. He may have personally taken two new scalps, fishery minister Susi Pujiastuti, with whom he had a notoriously bad relationship, and Thomas Lembong, a remarkably fluent American English speaker who was a great favourite with foreign diplomats and economists.
Luhut seems to combine to some extent the roles of prime minister and New Order-style state secretary. Now at least he is formally entitled to discuss investment, a subject he often addressed in the past few years. Handing investment over to the maritime affairs coordinating minister could be Jokowi’s last genuflection to the apparently defunct Global Maritime Fulcrum concept that he unveiled five years ago.
At 72, Luhut shares the honour of being the oldest minister along with his colleague in the new religious affairs post. Ma’ruf Amin, it hardly needs mentioning, is Indonesia’s oldest ever vice-president. What lies beneath Jokowi’s predilection for the aged or the ageing has yet to be explained.
Where Jokowi has broken new ground in this cabinet is his appointment of national police chief Tito Karnavian as home affairs minister after shunting off the PDIP incumbent to a lesser portfolio. Whereas the police were represented by a minister in Sukarno’s later cabinets, Tito is probably the first police officer to obtain a portfolio since Soeharto’s fall, a further sign of Jokowi’s startling deference to men in uniform.
Jokowinomics gambles with Indonesia’s democratisation
As M.C. Ricklefs observed in his now classic Yogyakarta under Sultan Mangkubum 1749-1792: A History of the Division of Java, striving for elite consensus is one of the most based principles of Javanese politics. It could well be the case that including Prabowo in the cabinet was a contemporary example. Including him forestalls the possibility that he would encourage active, and potentially violent opposition.
Mental health care in Indonesia: short on supply, short on demand
What can people in Indonesia who are suffering from depression do to get the support & care they need? Are there governmental agencies or NGOs they can contact? Are there women’s groups that young women wanting to better their lives (e.g., by going to college, gaining careers), but frustrated by their families’ expectations & financial burdens can contact or attend?
Burma in Limbo, Part 3
Hla Oo is wrong. Sin-Byu-Ma-Shin was not Chief Queen of King Min Don. Actually Chief Queen was Sekyardevi, Min Don elder (half ) sister and the sister of King Pagan.
Revolutionary remains
Hello Martin,
I will be visiting Vientiane soon and I really want to visit the cemetery where the ashes of President Phomvihane are located since 2012. Can you tell me de exact adres or spot on the map where this cemetery is located? Because I am searching for days now and I can’t find nothing.
Looking forward to your response!
With kind regards,
Jack
Increasing inroads and growing anger in West Papua
The legal reality is that West Papua is not part of Indonesia but is a Indonesian administrated non-self-governing and trust territory, a territory for which Australia, Indonesia and the United Nations have a legal obligation (UN Charter article 76) to “promote” towards independence.
“Administrator” is also the terminology used by the United Nations in the last known business record concerning the territory which states:
“Administrative History
The United Nations Temporary Authority in West Irian (UNTEA) was formed to administer West Irian, which is located on the island of New Guinea. In 1963 Dutch New Guinea became Irian Barat, which in 1973 changed its name to Irian Jaya and is currently administered by Indonesia.”
source – search.archives.un.org/downloads/united-nations-temporary-executive-authority-in-west-irian-untea-1962-1963.pdf
A peer reviewed examination of West Papua’s legal status is available in the Griffith Journal of Law & Human Dignity, volume 6 issue 2 (2018), “West Papua Exposed: An Abandoned Non-Self-Governing and Trust Territory”
“We try to not be Thai”: the everyday resistance of ethnic minorities
May I recommend this book about the subject?
Mien Relations [Mountain People and State Control in Thailand] by Hjorleifur Jonsson
Brunei’s stateless left in a state of confusion
Read the article above. Apparently alot differs. But I’m very surprised how the stateless were treated still in today’s modern world. We are not surprised at all more than 20yrs back many migrated. It’s all abour sense of belonging feeling of security in your own home motherland where you are born.
I feel for those affected including the local spouse and whole family. It’s very important and wish the government will help out. Thks
The poor know they’re poor: the roles of shame and stigma in the everyday lives of people in poverty
This is an interesting paper. I may suggest to incorporate ‘power dynamics’ in participatory process. People hesitate to be actively engage with the discussions due to several processes i.e patronage.
When participation is low and exclusive, it may be useful to look closely at institutional barriers that block people (especially poor women) to participate. This could be rules/ regulations or other settings.