Time is running out for the state's rebranded BN government, despite a late embrace of 'state nationalism'.
The 'new Malaysia' challenge is to redefine its trade and industrial policies, and to work out where the new sources of growth and tax revenue can be, more so after the GST's removal.
Despite the routing of UMNO at GE14 amid regime change, Malay politicians still dominate the new coalition government.
As long as the global attitude towards religious issues doesn't change, and Malaysians themselves mostly stay silent on these issues, the temptation will always be to smother dissent in the ‘invisibility cloak of religion’.
Establishing parliamentary committees will help the new PH government meet its GE14 promises of better governance, as ministers and senior officials can be called to account.
Will current levels of caution on Bumiputera policies persist, or will the new government seize the opportunity to reform? Will it remain fearful of being accused of sidelining Malays, or will it make Malays more capable and competitive?
By drawing stricter boundaries between what is ‘Islamic’ and ‘un-Islamic’, and between who is ‘Malay’ and ‘non-Malay’, the anxiety about 'Malay unity' is addressed in a post-May 9 Malaysia.
The GE14 result reflects PAS' enduring influence, yet the PH parties together with IKRAM and ABIM offer a viable ‘Islamic alternative’ for pious Muslim voters.
The ‘cari makan’ or a rent-seeking political culture may be the hardest thing to reform in Malaysia, even under a reformist government. And human nature will make this almost impossible to do.
Why Malaysia's voters delivered a momentous political upset in yesterday's election, as seen from the ground.
As Malaysians head to the most contentious elections since Merdeka, its citizens abroad are valiantly overcoming great odds to get their votes counted.
No Malaysian election campaign is complete without these highlights of food, flags and swag, as the GE14 season enters its final days.
Street theatre and the wayang of politics merge one warm night in an urban battle about corruption big and small.
How much change, beyond Najib's ousting, does a Mahathir-led coalition represent? Or does an emboldened, victorious Najib mean political rebirths are redundant?
Malaysia's GE14 marks the end of Malaysian Chinese politics after 60 years of dwindling and divisive outcomes, as its modern patron UMNO itself struggles to survive.
A new generation's contest over Sarawak's lost autonomy may force its GE14 voters to reconsider how today's leaders are trapped by the past.
Electoral changes recently rammed through parliament can mean winning power at GE14 with just 16.5% of the popular vote. But would such elections confer the legitimacy to rule?
The era of Malaysia's dominant federal government may be over as its leading states push for greater autonomy.
Can former minister and prime minister Najb Razak's ‘good friend’ Shafie Apdal sweep out Sabah's incumbents at GE14, and end up delivering power to Mahathir's opposition?
Reform-minded Malaysians are fatigued after two missed opportunities since 2008, with today's centrifugal politics generating even more social tensions. Not even Dr Mahathir’s surprise (re)emergence can mend those fractures, as Malaysians dream of the First World but still struggle in the Third as inequality worsens.
The resurgence of ‘old’ Mahathir against the Najib coalition has been matched with the ‘new’, the cheap smartphone.
As Malaysia rushes to its GE14 on 9 May, the new anti-fake news law is primed against the state's critics, emboldening speech vigilantism by outsourced censors linked to the ruling UMNO party.
With Malaysia's Parliament now dissolved in the official rush to GE14's polling day, Sabah and Sarawak are again crucial states determining the winning coalition.
Closer scrutiny of Malaysian elections since the era of Najib Razak's father can sharpen the contrasts over winning—and losing—legitimacy.