The NUG needs to develop clear vision for a more equal and inclusive Myanmar.
The health response has been repeatedly undermined and hampered by the authoritarian tendencies of coup leaders.
On their 100th anniversary the CCP received two congratulatory messages from Ethnic Armed organizations (EAOs) in northern Myanmar are noteworthy
...with COVID-19, and a coup, predicting the course of Myanmar’s future may best be put in the hands of the astrologers.
When an orphan’s extended family fails lamentably, fortunately there is an alternative: turning to your friends. Civil society groups in Southeast Asia increasingly see the combat for Myanmar’s democracy as their own.
On the current political landscape in Myanmar.
Since the start of the coup, Ku Kue's art has featured front and centre in many protests around the country.
While it appears that the military has not changed much over the last decade, the country and its people certainly have.
Has the coup has brought these groups closer together or deepened disunity, and reduced the likelihood of the formation of the federal army?
As their travel documents expire Myanmar migrants risk becoming undocumented and excluded from legal protections by shortcomings in both Myanmar and Thai migration policies.
Buddhist nationalism, allegiances to the people and anti-Islamic sentiment complicate monks' attitudes.
...an outpouring of passionate anger and disappointment, and a hardening resolve not to be cowed.
ASEAN has raised the bar for pushing dialogue in Myanmar: it will be a test for ASEAN's credibility to implement the consensus for real change in Myanmar.
A new book looks at the significance of U Dhammaloka, an Irishman who “went native” and became a Buddhist monk in British Burma
What do nascent solidarities mean for the future of ethno-religious minorities in a post-coup Myanmar?
The capacity of R2P is limited, and the decision-making process is fraught with political gamesmanship.
Elements of the weaponry and violence deployed are not only related to systems and structures but also to the reproduction of logics and techniques of control.
ASEAN has precedent and success in interceding in struggles for diplomatic recognition at the United Nations during the Third Indochina War (1978-1991).
Ko Nyi Nyi Aung Htet knew what he risked. He persisted, for he believed that democracy and a bright future will not return to Myanmar if the Tatmadaw succeeds.
Women of different ages and social backgrounds have been at the heart of the Myanmar protests, giving the women's movement unprecedented visibility.
In an era in which optics are fundamental, Myanmar's protest movement has forged a strategic visual course inspired by real and fictional past movements.
Soft diplomatic approaches may yet allow ASEAN to act not as democratic enforcers but as democratic promoters.
Members of ethnic minorities standing against the military are concentrating on institutional change, while majority Bamar NLD supporters focus on the release of party leaders and the formation of government.